Another Harvard Law view on the legacy of Chief Justice Rehnquist

stuntz.gifGiven this diatribe, it’s refreshing to see that this more reasoned view on the legacy of the late Chief Justice William Rehnquist was also produced by a Harvard Law prof. The money quote follows, which the writer’s colleague would do well to consider:

There is something charmingly modest, and deeply conservative, about that vision of law and governance. Conservatives have long believed that human nature disposes us to arrogance, that we’re not as smart and not nearly as farsighted as we think we are. The world is a terribly complicated place. If I think I’ve figured it out, I’m bound to be wrong, maybe disastrously so. Those who run things should not be enforcing some ideological orthodoxy but muddling along — looking for targets of opportunity, picking up money on the table, testing their intuitions against those of others. It’s not a grand vision of how the Supreme Court or the White House should work. But perhaps all those grand visions — there is no shortage of them — will lead us to very bad places.

More on Katrina’s economic ripples

Hibernia Bank.gifAs noted in this earlier post, the closing of the credit-card issuer Capital One Financial Corp.’s purchase of New Orleans-based Hibernia Corp. had been delayed by the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina. Today, the parties to that transaction announced that Hibernia had agreed to a 9% reduction in the purchase price as the price of the deal was reduced to $5.0 billion from the original price of $5.35 billion. Cap One had planned to close its purchase of Hibernia this week, but the acquisition is now scheduled to close in the fourth quarter.

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The Lay-Skilling-Causey motion to dismiss

ken lay12.jpgSkilling6.jpgAs noted in earlier posts here and here, the longstanding suspicions that the Enron Task Force has been engaging in witness tampering in the Enron-related criminal cases is now in full public view. This Mary Flood article reports on the filing of the redacted version of Ken Lay, Jeff Skilling and Richard Causey’s motion to dismiss the Task Force’s indictment against them on grounds of prosecutorial misconduct and, according to Ms. Flood’s article, the motion is a damning indictment of the Task Force’s handling of the criminal investigation of Enron. Go to this link to download a copy of the Lay-Skilling-Causey motion, and here is a Washington Post article on the motion.
The motion and accompanying affidavit from law professor Michael Tigar are stunning in many ways. For example, counsel for the defendants note that they have sought to confer with over 100 witnesses and only four have agreed to do so after the Task Force earlier took the extraordinary step of naming 114 unindicted co-conspirators in the case. Mr. Tigar’s affidavit states that “this level of silence is not normal” from witnesses and that “I have never seen defendants in a major public trial, especially a white-collar trial, so completely ostracized by witnesses with pertinent information.” Mr. Tigar concludes:

“. . . I have seen prosecutorial misconduct and litigated about it. However, in all my years handling criminal cases, and in all my experience teaching and working with other lawyers, I have never seen all of these unfair pressures brought to bear on the adversary system in a single case.”

Similarly, the motion makes reference to a potentially explosive email from a Task Force prosecutor to a defense attorney for a cooperating government witness in one of the Enron cases. Although it is a bit difficult to surmise what’s in the email because it has been redacted from the version of the motion that has been filed publicly, it appears from the motion that the e-mail told the lawyer for the cooperating witness to direct his co-counsel for the cooperating witness to stop talking to Mr. Skilling’s lawyer or that he should “get rid” of him. The motion does not name the identity of the Task Force member who made that threat, but I have my suspicions.
Unfortunately, the public exposure of the Enron Task Force’s misconduct comes too late to help the defendants in the Nigerian Barge case, whose defense was also undermined by the Task Force’s designation of dozens of key defense witnesses as unindicted co-conspirators in the case. Here’s hoping that U.S. District Judge Sim Lake puts a halt to this transparent abuse of governmental power and — at very least — provides each of the co-conspirators named in the Lay-Skilling-Causey case immunity from prosecution for their testimony in that case. It’s about time that the truth about Enron be told, not some piecemeal prosecution version based on the dubious statements of witnesses who have been bludgeoned into plea bargains.
Meanwhile, one notable critic of the government’s criminalization of Enron wonders whether the government will take the same approach with regard to its own actions in the debacle of New Orleans?

More on the Illusory Attorney-Client Privilege

Picking up on the subject addressed previously here, this NY Times article notes that corporate targets of criminal investigations can no longer effectively rely on the attorney-client privilege protecting communications between corporate representatives and the company’s attorneys.

Frankly, the destruction of the corporate attorney-client privilege is changing the landscape of American business.

For example, my standard advice for a prospective chief executive of a publicly-owned company is to negotiate as a part of his employment agreement that the company pay for the executive’s personal attorney to advise the executive in regard to his handling of corporate affairs.

Similarly, I caution business people considering taking on a board seat with a publicly-owned company not to do so unless the company provides separate counsel for the board. Absent such arrangements, the government’s evisceration of the corporate attorney-client privilege has the ironic effect of making business executives and directors less likely to consult corporate counsel before making critical business decisions because they know that counsel will rat them out in the event of a governmental investigation of the company.

Interestingly, the article notes that some people could care less about the demise of the attorney-client privilege, such as those who conclude first that a crime has occurred and then attempt to manipulate facts to support their conclusion.

One of those is John R. Kroger, the Lewis & Clark Law School professor and former Enron Task Force prosecutor, whose law review article — Enron, Fraud and Securities Reform: An Enron Prosecutor’s Perspective — is an appalling example of a non-expert in structured finance concluding that legitimate structured finance transactions of Enron were criminal and then attempting to manipulate the facts to support his thesis.

Taking the same approach to the attorney-client privilege, the article quotes Mr. Kroger:

“It’s really in the public’s interest to get out on the table whether there’s any possibility executives engaged in wrongdoing were really following legal advice or not.”

Or, stated another way, the state’s interest in criminalizing corporate conduct outweighs the individual’s right to consult with an attorney candidly.

That such people as Mr. Kroger are teaching this nonsense to future prosecutors at U.S. law schools is an ominous sign for American business interests.

Taking on a bully

spitzereliot.jpgShowing admirable disdain for the currently popular approach of bowing to governmental demagouges, money manager J. & W. Seligman & Co. fired off a civil lawsuit against New York Attorney General Eliot Spitzer seeking to enjoin his office from pursuing an investigation into whether the advisory fees that the firm charges investors in its mutual funds are excessive. A long line of posts chronicling the Aspiring Governor’s manipulation of business interests to further his political career is here.

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Gambling with your money, their lives

flood.jpgThe title of this post is from Holman Jenkins’ insightful Wall Street Journal ($) column today in which he decries the role of federally-subsidized flood insurance in promoting the risk-taking that helped turn New Orleans into a disaster waiting to happen:

Professions of shock about the extent of the New Orleans disaster may be understandable from the broader public, but not from Louisianians themselves. Their disaster was the most predicted disaster in recent memory. The city’s vulnerability was well documented and this is one case where you can’t blame the press for taking its eye off the ball.

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