Earlier in my legal career, while managing a downtown Houston law firm for 20 years, I tried to foster collegial relationships between the attorneys and staff. In that connection, one of my steadfast rules for attorneys when something went wrong was the following: Don’t blame a secretary.
This article — which reports on the uproar over a senior associate at a major law firm requiring his secretary to pay for removal of a ketchup stain from his clothing — reflects the validity of my rule.
Hat tip to Brian Leiter for the link to the article.
Daily Archives: June 21, 2005
The effects of criminalizing auditors
This Wall Street Journal ($) article picks up on the theme of this post from late last year — i.e., that the government’s regulation of accounting firms through criminalization of their services is contributing to the shortage of accounting firms that have sufficient resources to provide the specialized services that big companies need:
Intel Corp. is one of the many big companies now bumping up against the limitations. After using Ernst & Young LLP as its auditor for more than three decades, the semiconductor maker considered switching recently for a fresh look at its financials. But it stuck with Ernst after receiving proposals from the other Big Four firms: Deloitte & Touche LLP, KPMG and PricewaterhouseCoopers LLP. That is because federal regulations bar the three other firms from serving as Intel’s independent auditor unless they give up valuation, computer-software and other work they do for Intel.
Worries about the shrinking number of top-tier auditing firms began mounting with the collapse of Arthur Andersen LLP in 2002, after its conviction for obstruction of justice tied to its audits of Enron Corp. (The conviction was reversed last month by the Supreme Court.) The Sarbanes-Oxley corporate-governance act, passed by Congress in response to the accounting scandals at Enron and elsewhere, has complicated the situation, as well, by forbidding auditors from providing certain nonaudit-related services to audit clients. The restrictions, aimed at enhancing the independence of auditors, have led some companies to distribute nonaudit work to the other Big Four firms. But that puts these companies in a bind if they want to switch auditors.
Meanwhile, KPMG is learning that playing nice with the Justice Department may not be all that it’s cracked up to be. As noted here last week, the threat of an indictment has KPMG pursuing a settlement of the government’s criminal investigation into its promotion of tax shelters under a deferred-prosecution agreement. As a part of that effort, KPMG issued a well-publicized admission of wrongdoing and public apology last week regarding its involvement in the tax shelters.
However, as a result KPMG’s public admission, this NY Times article reports KPMG is now a sitting duck for damages in the myriad of civil lawsuits involving the tax shelters and even unrelated accounting issues, and that KPMG’s co-defendants in the tax shelter civil cases are furious over the financial implications to them of KPMG’s public admission of wrongdoing.
All of this is having a devastating effect on KPMG financially. KPMG reported earlier this year that it had revenue of $4.1 billion last fiscal year, but that “practice protection costs” — i.e., insurance, legal fees and litigation settlements — were running at the staggering amount of more than $400 million annually, or more than 10 percent of the firm’s revenue.
Thus, the cost of avoiding an indictment might just cause KPMG to meltdown anyway. At very least, the cost of cooperation will cause substantial financial damage to the firm, resulting in job loss and less competition for audit services for big companies. And let me get this right — this is a “business-friendly” Republican Administration pursuing these policies?
SCOTUS declines to clarify sentencing guidelines decision
In a surprising development, the U.S. Supreme Court yesterday declined to clarify its its decision earlier this year in U.S. v. Booker (previous posts here), in which the Court struck down the mandatory nature of the federal criminal sentencing system. Without comment, the Supreme Court declined to hear a new case — Rodriguez v. U.S. — even though the Justice Department had recommended last week in a parallel case (U.S. v. Barnett) that the Court adjudicate the issue in the case, which is whether a criminal sentence that violates Booker’s constitutional principle is “plain error” and must be overturned.
U.S. v. Booker limits federal judges in punishing convicted defendants for aggravating factors that were not proven to a jury or that the defendant did not admit. That decision threw the federal sentencing system into a bit of a kerfuffle as thousands of inmates challenged their sentences and many petitioned for earlier release dates. In Booker, the Supreme Court did not specify how the decision should be should be applied, so the federal circuit courts of appeal have been supervising application of the decision.
Four circuits have ruled that any sentence longer than the maximum allowed under the jury’s findings of fact or the defendant’s admissions usually would require a new sentences. One circuit decided that the trial courts would have to decide whether resentencing was needed, and two other circuits concluded that defendants would not be entitled to a rehearing on their sentences unless they could show that the trial court would have handed down a lighter sentence had the federal sentencing guidelines been deemed to be advisory rather than mandatory. Consequently, there is a clear conflict at this point among the circuit courts on how Booker is to be applied to previous sentences.
The best source for detailed analysis of these Booker-related decisions and issues is Professor Berman’s blog, where he has already commented on yesterday’s developments here and here.