When “Justice” destroys good reputations

Anderson Logo9.gifEBS8.jpgThe Sihpol acquittal yesterday focuses attention on an important aspect of the current wave of criminalizing merely questionable business transactions — that is, the government’s destruction of good reputations in its quest to obtain convictions and prevent juries from hearing testimony that is favorable to unpopular defendants.
In this excellent Chicago Tribune op-ed (free registration req.), David Hall — a former editor of the Cleveland Plain Dealer and Denver Post who covered Arthur Andersen as a Chicago reporter in the 1960s — decries the cultural climate and the lack of prosecutorial discretion that led to the destruction of Andersen:

Andersen’s head on the U.S. Justice Department’s dish, with unjust charges regarding Enron Corp. and the connivance of a slow-witted judge, is a parallel in today’s political-legal-news culture–blame quickly, accuse broadly and dare the accused to defend. Bloody heads on plates satisfy the evening news and pundits looking for the easy prey of righteousness.
The Justice Department, eager to demonstrate its conservative stance would not be cowed by big business, maliciously destroyed a fine American company, a contributor to orderly commerce for eight decades. Andersen stumbled amid the stampede of cliffside accounting in the ’90s, particularly regarding Sunbeam Corp. and Waste Management, but nothing deserved a judicial death sentence. . .
Many institutions, private and public, must feel under such siege, must fear the plow and the salt and the unjust destruction of Andersen. Every good-faith act should not be turned into an inquisition–by politicians polishing campaign ads, prosecutors primping for the boss, or reporters intent on bringing the first head on a dish.

Meanwhile, as the defense in the ongoing Enron Broadband trial proceeds with putting on their case, an interesting development is taking place. As the Chronicle’s Mary Flood reports, Lawrence Ciscon, a former Enron Broadband systems engineer, is testifying on behalf of his five former Enron Broadband colleagues despite the fact that prosecutors have told him that he is a target of the Enron criminal investigation and could be indicted himself.
Mr. Ciscon’s decision to testify brings into focus an abominable governmental tactic that ensures that the jury will never hear much of the favorable testimony for the defense. In both the Enron Broadband case and the earlier Nigerian Barge case, the prosecutors have identified dozens of former Enron executives as either targets of the Enron criminal investigation of unindicted co-conspirators of the defendants. As a result, the government has effectively prevented many witnesses with favorable testimony for the defendants in both the Broadband and Nigerian Barge cases from testifying because those witnesses would waive their Fifth Amendment privilege and probably face further perjury charges if they chose to tesfify contrary to the government’s position in those cases. Indeed, in the case against former Enron CEO Jeff Skilling, former Enron chairman Kenneth Lay, and former Enron chief accountant Richard Causey, the Enron Task force has identified 114 unindicted conspirators in an effort to chill as much favorable testimony for the defendants as possible.
Thus, the “Justice” Department is not really interested in “justice” at all, or even in having a jury fairly evaluate all evidence relating to its charges against unpopular business figures. Rather, our “Justice” Department is much more interested in indulging public bias against unpopular businessmen, regardless of the reputations of citizens that it destroys in the process. Something is seriously wrong with the administration of justice in America when it takes the uncommon courage of someone such as Lawrence Ciscon for a jury to hear favorable testimony for businessmen who are facing their government’s overwhelming power to imprison them for most of the rest of their lives.

Former Gen Re exec fingers others

Gen Re 5.gifAs anticipated in this post from earlier this week, John Houldsworth, a former high-level executive of the Cologne Re Dublin unit of Berkshire Hathaway Inc.’s General Reinsurance Corp., implicated four other senior General Re executives while pleading guilty on Thursday in Alexandria, Va. to conspiring to commit securities fraud. Mr. Houldsworth is the the first person to be indicted from the various governmental investigations into finite risk insurance transactions between General Re and American International Group Inc. Here are the previous posts on the investigations into AIG and Berkshire.
According to the criminal complaint, Mr. Houldsworth, Ms. Monrad, Mr. Napier, and another unknown executive in late 2000 conspired to structure a reinsurance contract to allow AIG to pass its auditor’s “smell test” and to create a paper trail to make the transaction appear legitimate.
The other executives identified in a parallel SEC civil suit who are referred to by title in the the criminal complaint are former General Re CEO Ronald E. Ferguson, former CFO Elizabeth Monrad, current senior VP Richard Napier (who is expected to plead guilty to similar charges today), and Chris Garand, an underwriter in General Re’s international finite division. The complaint also cites another General Re “senior executive” whose identity is unknown to Mr. Houldsworth.

The Lord of Regulation takes one on the chin

eliot_spitzer.ap.04.jpgA New York state court jury acquitted former Bank of America Corp. broker Theodore C. Sihpol today on 29 criminal counts relating to alleged improper trading of mutual-fund shares. The jury deadlocked 11-1 in favor of acquittal on four additional counts, and the judge declared a mistrial on those counts. Here is a previous post on Mr. Sihpol’s case.
The acquittal was a bitter blow for New York Aspiring Governor Eliot Spitzer, whose office tried the case against Mr. Sihpol as the first criminal trial emanating from Mr. Spitzer’s crackdown on what he characterizes as abusive trading practices in the mutual fund industry. As is his custom in such matters, Mr. Spitzer bludgeoned settlements out of several major fund firms by threatening them with devastating criminal indictments, but the young Mr. Sihpol refused to back down. Thus, even though he threatened Mr. Sihpol with an absurdly harsh 30 year sentence in prison if he were to be found guilty of the charges, Mr. Spitzer was forced to try the case and, in the end, had his hat handed to him.
Couldn’t happen to a nicer guy.

Comparing the British and American health care systems

Britishlogo.jpgDavid Asman is an anchor at the Fox News Channel and host of “Forbes on Fox.” In this must read piece for anyone interested in the differences between a centralized and a decentralized health care finance system, Mr. Asman compares the care and cost that his wife received in the British and American health care systems earlier this year after she suffered a serious stroke during a vacation in London. The entire op-ed is interesting, but I found the following observation particularly telling:

When I received the bill for my wife’s one-month stay at Queen’s Square [Hospital, in London], I thought there was a mistake. The bill included all doctors’ costs, two MRI scans, more than a dozen physical therapy sessions, numerous blood and pathology tests, and of course room and board in the hospital for a month. And perhaps most important, it included the loving care of the finest nurses we’d encountered anywhere. The total cost: $25,752. That ain’t chump change. But to put this in context, the cost of just 10 physical therapy sessions at New York’s Cornell University Hospital came to $27,000–greater than the entire bill from British Health Service!
There is something seriously out of whack about 10 therapy sessions that cost more than a month’s worth of hospital bills in England. Still, while costs in U.S. hospitals might well have become exorbitant because of too few incentives to keep costs down, the British system has simply lost sight of costs and incentives altogether.

Meanwhile, Washington Post business columnist Steve Pearlstein contends in this column that most Americans are willing to dispense with market allocation in regard to health care:

For most Americans, providing health care ought to be different from selling soap; they won’t tolerate doctors acting like commissioned salesmen and investment bankers. And if that means having less market competition and more regulation in the health care system, it seems to be a trade-off they’re willing to make.

H’mm, I’m not so sure about that. Hat tip to Arnold Kling for the links to the articles.

Fiddling while Rome burns

perry.jpgIt’s a good sign that it’s not going to be a good day at the office for a Republican politician when the morning’s edition of the Wall Street Journal has both an editorial and an op-ed piece critical of the politician.
But that’s precisely what Texas governor Rick Perry is confronting today. In this WSJ editorial ($) aptly entitled “What’s the Matter with Texas?”, the Journal editors pick up on a theme that was noted earlier in this post — that is, the utter lack of leadership being exhibited by Republican politicians:

Republicans control every lever of political power in Austin for the first time since Reconstruction and had promised a sweeping reform agenda. Property tax relief. Vouchers for kids in failed inner-city public schools. An end to Robin Hood school financing. And passage of a fiscally tight budget.
This entire legislative agenda was ambushed. The school voucher pilot program for 20,000 mostly minority kids was rejected by the very Democratic legislators representing the families who would have benefited from the opportunity to attend private and parochial schools that actually work. The depressing fact that nearly half of the black and Hispanic children in the state fail to graduate from public high schools wasn’t perceived as a sufficient crisis to give choice a chance.
Most of the other failings of this legislature must be laid at the feet of the Republicans.

The Journal goes on to note that the Republicans are playing with serious political fire by failing to address the problem of spiraling property taxes in Texas:

But it’s almost inconceivable that the legislature would adjourn until 2007 without chopping property taxes. Skyrocketing appraisals are taxing Texans out of their houses, and infuriated home owners are ready to march on Austin. One Dallas legislator reported that he was accosted by irate voters at his kid’s swim meet this week. . .
[I]f property taxes aren’t cut meaningfully right now, the Republicans might not be coming back to Austin after the next election.

Meanwhile, over at OpinionJournal, J.R. Labbe, senior editorial writer and columnist for the Fort Worth Star-Telegram, pens this op-ed that addresses the challenges from within the Texas Republican Party that Mr. Perry is expected to face in the upcoming election campaign, and notes in particular that Mr. Perry’s recent political staging of a signing ceremony for parental consent legislation in the gymnasium of a Ft. Worth church could backfire:

But the community of faith, even in the Lone Star State, is not a monolith. Plenty of Texan Christians were put off by what they perceived as Gov. Perry’s use of religion as a theatrical prop. Witnessing oneself as a godly governor might be more effectively demonstrated if religion weren’t turned into a sideshow.

As I observed to Charles Kuffner during lunch yesterday, I’m not sure what’s worse — the risk that government will embrace the worst characteristics of certain Christian churches, or that those churches will embrace the worst characteristics of government.

Milton Friedman interviewed

friedman.jpgMilton Friedman is the most influential economist of the past half-century and, at the age of 92, is still as sharp as a tack (here are previous posts on Mr. Friedman). Craig Newmark passes along this recent interview of Mr. Friedman, which includes the following pearls of wisdom:
On Social Security:

Asked why, if Social Security is so terrible, it is the most popular government program in American history, Friedman replied, “Well, because why does a Ponzi game work? It’s easy to understand why it’s popular. So far, on the average, retirees have gotten more out of the system than they put into it. ”
What about the fact that Social Security has reduced poverty among the elderly?
“Well,” he replied, “what it has done is transfer a lot of income from the young to the old. It is certainly true it has made the old people of the United States the best treated old people in the world.”
But why is that a bad thing? “Oh,” Friedman replied. “It’s not a bad thing for them, but what about the young?”

On rent controls and his influence in political debates:

When [Mr. Friedman] moved to San Francisco in the 1970s, the city was debating rent control, he recalled. So he wrote a letter to The Chronicle saying, “Anybody who has examined the evidence about the effects of rent control, and still votes for it, is either a knave or a fool.”
What happened? “They immediately passed it,” he laughed.

On a related note, in this post, John Hamilton compiles his favorite Friedman quotes from Mr. Friedman’s famous book, Free to Choose, which includes my favorite:

“[A] private firm that makes a serious blunder may go out of business. A government agency is likely to get a bigger budget.”

The Enron Airline?

airliner.jpgA sure sign that a discussion on a particular subject has deteriorated to an unrecoverable level is a participant’s allegation that the other side’s position defends Nazism in some respect. With regard to discussions about business, it’s quickly becoming evident that such discussions have degenerated into uselessness when one participant accuses the other side’s position of defending Enron.
This NY Times article reports on a Congressional hearing yesterday in which Delta Air Lines Chief Executive Gerald Grinstein, Northwest Airlines President and Chief Executive Officer Douglas Steenland, and UAL Chairman, President and CEO Glenn Tilton testified in favor of proposed legislation that would allow airlines to freeze pension plans and extend their current obligations over 25 years. Last month, United Airlines obtained Bankruptcy Court approval to shift its employee-pension plans — including their nearly $10 billion shortfall — on to the federal government’s Pension Benefit Guaranty Corp.
In response to the airline executives’ rather reasonable comments in support of common-sense legislation, Senator Charles Grassley (Rep. Iowa) called United Airlines a “catastrophe” and compared United Airlines to Enron Corp., saying the carrier used “illusory investment gains” to “hide and disguise” the true financial condition of its pension plans. “Unlike Enron, however,” concluded Sen. Grassley. “Everything United did was perfectly legal.”
Well, playing the Enron card may make for a good sound bite, but it’s a sure sign that Mr. Grassley wants to avoid addressing what’s really troubling the airline industry — i.e., Big Labor supported by compliant politicians. Let’s take United as a case in point. At a time when unions owned over 50% of the company, controlled three board seats, and effectively hired and fired the company’s CEO, the unions decided to increase their retirement compensation by approving unfundable pension obligations while, at the same time, extracting maximum current wage benefits that made United uncompetitive from an operations standpoint. Thus, United’s owner-employees effectively looted the company with high current compensation benefits while, at the same time, effectively insuring that they would also ultimately loot the federal government’s Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation, which they knew would be the guarantor of at least a substantial portion of United’s unfundable pension obligations.
Frankly, even the Enron sharpies didn’t think of such a scheme.

The Lord of Regulation comments on the Anderson decision

Spitzer15.jpgIn an interview yesterday with Wall Street Journal columnist Alan Murray, New York AG (“Attorney General” or “Aspiring Governor,” take your pick) Eliot Spitzer observed that he agreed with the recent Supreme Court decision in Arthur Andersen LLP v. United States and that a criminal indictment of a company often is the wrong way to proceed in an investigation because of the risk of destroying the company. Comparing his investigations to those of the heavy-handed Enron Task Force, Mr. Spitzer made the following comment:

“I’ve always said Andersen was an improper indictment, because it wasn’t proportionate. We use a scalpel, not a meat ax.”

If what Mr. Spitzer is using on American International Group Inc. is a scalpel, then he must own one helluva meat ax.
Meanwhile, this NY Times article reports that Mr. Spitzer’s immunity deal with former AIG executive Joseph Umansky was not coordinated with other ongoing investigations into AIG and effectively removed Mr. Umansky as a realistic target of those investigations.

George Will on the Wright Amendment

will_small.jpgWashington Post columnist George F. Will adds this column to the growing body of opinion that the Wright Amendment — which restricts Southwest Airlines from flying to most states from its Dallas Love Field hub — is at least obsolescent and probably bad public policy in the first place. Here are previous posts on the Wright Amendment.
In his column, Mr. Will passes along a humorous anecdote from Herb Kelleher, Southwest’s chairman, regarding the Wright Amendment and the beginning of the airline:

In 1971, after years of harassing litigation by two airlines averse to competition, Southwest Airlines was born. It had just three aircraft and flew only intrastate, between Dallas, Houston and San Antonio. This first of the no-frills, low-cost airlines, under the leadership of its ebullient founder Herb Kelleher, was to democratize air travel and revolutionize the airline industry.
The cities of Dallas and Fort Worth, and the Dallas/Fort Worth airport, which opened in 1974, tried unsuccessfully to force Southwest to move its operations from close-in Love Field out to DFW, arguing that the new airport depended on this. Today Kelleher laughingly recalls telling a judge:

“If a three-aircraft airline can bankrupt an 18,000-acre, nine-miles-long airport, then that airport probably should not have been built in the first place.”

Stealing the show in “Cinderella Man”

Giamatti2.jpgLast night, my boys and I attended Cinderella Man, the Ron Howard-produced movie about Depression-era fighter and folk hero Jim Braddock (played by Russell Crowe), the unlikely underdog who defeated heavyweight champ Max Baer in a 15-round free-for-all in 1935.
Although flawed in several respects, the movie is highly entertaining. Leads Crowe and Renee Zellweger are superb, and the staging of the fight scenes is flat-out remarkable, even making Scorsese’s fine depiction of the fights in Raging Bull seem pedestrian in comparison.
However, the movie is worth attending alone to see the performance of Paul Giamatti, who steals the show in playing Joe Gould, Braddock’s manager and friend. In hilarious and believable fashion, Giamatti uses the phrase “sonuvabitch” throughout the movie to express a remarkably wide range of reactions and emotions. His performance is one of the most nuanced and intelligent that I have seen in years, and reflects an actor who is clearly at the top of his profession right now. Don’t miss it.