“Against Selected Enemies”

After conceding that I have not had a chance to read Richard Clarke’s new book “Against All Enemies” yet, I nevertheless made the following observation regarding the Clarke affair in a post last week:

[T]o the extent that Mr. Clarke’s position is that the Bush Administration is more culpable for the 9/11 attacks than any one of the previous five (three Republican, two Democrat) administrations, his position is fundamentally flawed. America’s intelligence failures over the past generation have been the result of a litany of bipartisan mistakes. If Mr. Clarke is suggesting that the Bush Administration’s failures in this area are any more egregious than those of its predecessors, then he is doing his country a grave disservice and, in fact, is engaging in precisely the type of political posturing that has been so damaging to the intelligence community over the past 25 years.

In this Wall Street Journal ($) book review, Richard Miniter — author of “Losing Bin Laden: How Bill Clinton’s Failures Unleashed Global Terror” — echoes that thought and more:

A year ago, I thought Richard A. Clarke, President Clinton’s counterterror czar, was a hero. He and his small band of officials fought a long battle to focus the bureaucracy on stopping Osama bin Laden long before 9/11. For my own book, I interviewed Mr. Clarke extensively and found him to be blunt and forthright. He remembered whole conversations from inside the Situation Room.
So I looked forward to reading “Against All Enemies” (Free Press, 304 pages, $27). Yes, I expected him to put the wood to President Bush for not doing enough about terrorism — a continuation of his Clinton-era complaints — and I expected that he might be right. I assumed, of course, that he would not spare the Clinton team either, or the CIA and FBI. I expected, in short, something blunt and forthright — and, that rarest thing, nonpartisan in a principled way.
I was wrong on all counts. Forthright? One momentous Bush-era episode on which Mr. Clarke can shed some light is his decision to approve the flights of the bin Laden clan out of the U.S. in the days after 9/11, when all other flights were grounded. About this he doesn’t say a word. The whole premise of “Against All Enemies” is its value as an insider account. But Mr. Clarke was not a Bush insider. When he lost his right to brief the Cabinet, he also lost his ringside seat on presidential decision-making.

Mr. Miniter goes on to detail how Mr. Clarke’s book simply ignores the numerous known incidents of coordination between Iraq and al Qaeda:

He dismisses, as “raw,” reports that show meetings between al Qaeda and the Mukhabarat, Iraq’s intelligence service, going back to 1993. The documented meeting between the head of the Mukhabarat and bin Laden in Khartoum, Sudan, in 1996 — a meeting that challenged all the CIA’s assumptions about “secular” Iraq’s distance from Islamist terrorism — should have set off alarm bells. It didn’t.
There is other evidence of a connection between Iraq and al Qaeda that Mr. Clarke should have felt obliged to address. Just days before Mr. Clarke resigned, Secretary of State Colin Powell told the United Nations that bin Laden had met at least eight times with officers of Iraq’s Special Security Organization. In 1998, an aide to Saddam’s son Uday defected and repeatedly told reporters that Iraq funded al Qaeda. South of Baghdad, satellite photos pinpointed a Boeing 707 parked at a camp where terrorists learned to take over planes. When U.S. forces captured the camp, its commander confirmed that al Qaeda had trained there as early as 1997. Mr. Clarke does not take up any of this.

Mr. Miniter then notes Mr. Clarke’s failure to address the intelligence failures of the Clinton Administration, of which Mr. Clarke was a key player:

Curiously, about the Clinton years, where Mr. Clarke’s testimony would be authoritative, he is circumspect. When I interviewed him a year ago, he thundered at the political appointees who blocked his plan to destroy bin Laden’s camps in Afghanistan in the wake of the October 2000 attack on the USS Cole. Yet in his book he glosses over them. He has little of his former vitriol for Clinton-era bureaucrats who tried to stop the deployment of the Predator spy plane over Afghanistan. (It spotted bin Laden three times.)
He fails to mention that President Clinton’s three “findings” on bin Laden, which would have allowed the U.S. to take action against him, were haggled over and lawyered to death. And he plays down the fact that the Treasury Department, worried about the effects on financial markets, obstructed efforts to cut off al Qaeda funding. He never notes that between 1993 and 1998 the FBI, under Mr. Clinton, paid an informant who turned out to be a double agent working on behalf of al Qaeda. In 1998, the Clinton administration alerted Pakistan to our imminent missile strikes in Afghanistan, despite the links between Pakistan’s intelligence service and al Qaeda. Mr. Clarke excuses this decision — bin Laden managed to flee just before the strikes — as a diplomatic necessity.

To make matters worse, points out Mr. Miniter, Mr. Clarke’s book is just plain sloppy:

Or, better, “Against All Evidence.” Mr. Clarke misstates a range of checkable facts. The 1993 U.S. death toll in Somalia was 18, not 17. He writes that Khalid Shaikh Mohammed became al Qaeda’s “chief operational leader” in 1995; in fact, he took over in November 2001. He writes (correctly) that Abdul Yasim, one of the 1993 World Trade Center bombers, fled to Iraq but adds the whopper that “he was incarcerated by Saddam Hussein’s regime.” An ABC News crew found Mr. Yasim working a government job in Iraq in 1997, and documents captured in 2003 revealed that the bomber had been on Saddam’s payroll for years.
Mr. Clarke gets the timing wrong of the plot to assassinate bin Laden in Sudan; it was 1994, not 1995, and was the work of Saudi intelligence, not Egypt. He dismisses Laurie Mylroie’s [author of “The War Against America: Saddam Hussein and the World Trade Center Attacks: A Study of Revenge“] argument that Iraq was behind the 1993 World Trade Center blast as if there is nothing to it. Doesn’t it matter that the bombers made hundreds of phone calls to Iraq in the weeks leading up to the event? That Ramzi Yousef, the lead bomber, entered the U.S. as a supposed refugee from Iraq? That he was known as “Rasheed the Iraqi”?

Finally, Mr. Miniter sums up Mr. Clarke’s book as follows:

In recent days we have been subjected to a great deal of Mr. Clarke, not least to replays of his fulsome apology for not doing enough to prevent 9/11. But he has nothing to apologize for: He was a relentless foe of al Qaeda for years. He should really apologize for the flaws in his book.

Astros deal Jeriome Robertson

The Astros traded left-handed pitcher Jeriome Robertson yesterday to the Cleveland Indians for two minor league outfielders. Although Robertson was in the starting rotation for the Astros last season, he was expendable this season because of the Astros’ off-season acquisition of Roger Clemens and Andy Pettitte, and the re-emergence of Carlos Hernandez, who was injured last season, but is a better prospect than Robertson.
The Chronicle article on this deal is a good example of the poor reporting that the mainstream media provides on professional sports in general. Essentially, the Chronicle took the Astros’ press release on the trade, rearranged a few words, and then published it as a story. Consequently, the story relates that the Astros’ extraordinary pitching depth gave them the opportunity to pick up two promising outfielders in exchange for a solid starter pitcher in Robertson who led the Astros’ staff last season with 15 wins.
Now, let’s talk reality. Robertson is a marginal talent who won 15 games last season mostly because the Astros happened to score an above-average amount of runs in the games he pitched. His real pitching statistics were well below average for a National League starting pitcher. Here’s what the more objective Baseball Prospectus 2004 has to say about Robertson:

“Author of a 15-9 record despite allowing nearly 14 baserunners per nine innings, Robertson was rated the sixth-luckiest starter in the majors according to Michael Wolverton’s Support-Neutral W/L Report at BaseballProspectus.com, and such luch rarely lasts (new teammate Andy Pettitte was the luckiest–uh-oh). The Astros did not expect much more than an ambulatory fill-guy after shuttling in Robertson to replace the departed Shane Reynolds, and that’s really all they got. Though thought of as a groundball pitcher, his GB/FB rate of 1.16 ranked him a shade below the median NL starter. If he’s to keep his rotation spot as a finesse lefty, he’ll need to induce more dribblers to take advantage of Adam Everett and keep the ball as far away from centerfielder Biggio as possible.”

Baseball Prospectus is more optimistic on the 22 year old Willie Taveras, one of the minor leaguers that the Astros picked up in the deal:

“Speed on the bases, grace in the field, and patience at the plate, you could say Taveras has several things going for him. It’s enought to get him listed as the best prospect on Kinston [Cleveland’s minor league A team], but he was available in the Rule 5 draft. There, he was snagged by the Astros, where he might stick in their “Biggio’s Legs” roster spot.”

Luke Scott, the other minor leaguer involved in the deal, is a 25 year old who split time between Cleveland’s class A and AA teams last year. A 25 year old playing class A ball is not much of a prospect. In fact, Baseball Prospectus does not even list him as a prospect, which is not a good sign.
Accordingly, despite the Chronicle misleading report, this was not much of a deal. The upside on Taveras more than makes up for the nominal loss of Robertson. But don’t expect much from Robertson at Cleveland or from either of the minor leaguers at Houston, at least this season.

Murphy says what?

Former Houston Rocket and NBA Hall of Famer Calvin Murphy made his initial court appearance yesterday in the child molestation criminal case that was filed against him earlier this week. Murphy’s criminal case landed in the court of District Judge Mike McSpadden, one of the most well-thought of criminal district judges in Houston.
Virtually since the charges arose earlier this week, Murphy and his attorney, Rusty Hardin, have been making the rounds of local radio and television talk shows proclaiming Murphy’s innocence and alleging that his daughters’ accusations against him amount to extortion. Accordingly, I found the following part of today’s Chronicle article rather, might we say, interesting:

Murphy and Hardin have suggested the daughters may have fabricated the charges because of greed.
Hardin has said three of the daughters claim Murphy took about $60,000 in retirement money left by their mother after she died in a car accident.

“They certainly told Calvin that if he didn’t give them that money, he would be sorry,” Hardin said earlier this week.

On Wednesday, he declined to comment on the possibility of extortion.

“This case puts (Murphy) in the untenable position of having to be publicly critical of his own family,” Hardin said. “He doesn’t want to participate in bashing the children publicly.”

But he hinted that some of Murphy’s other children would do just that. He said those who support their father will come forward soon to denounce the accusers.

Let’s get this straight. Murphy and Hardin first publicly accuse Murphy’s accusing daughters of being greedy extortionists. Then, Hardin states that they are not going to do so because the “case puts (Murphy) in the untenable position of having to be publicly critical of his own family.” But then he follows up that statement with another one suggesting that Murphy’s other children will soon make public statements critical of the accusers.
H’mm. Something tells me that Murphy’s public relations campaign is not particularly well-thought out.