This Chronicle article about the downturn in the Houston Golf Association‘s charitable donations after a less than stellar Shell Houston Open this past spring brings to mind how even well-intentioned people can bungle a good thing through a series of bad decisions.
The HGA has operated the Houston Open PGA Tour golf tournament for about 60 years. Although Houston has a rich golf tradition, the Houston Open has not always been a resounding success. Indeed, I vividly recall a time in the 1970’s when, after a particularly unfulfilling Houston Open, the Houston Post’s cranky golf columnist, the late Jack Gallagher, penned a controversial column in which the basic thrust was “if this is the best you can do, then why don’t we just forget about having the Houston Open.” The HGA’s members were not pleased with Gallagher’s column, but what he had to say had some merit.
To the HGA’s credit, however, it turned things around. In 1975 or so, the HGA entered into a long term agreement with The Woodlands Corporation, which at the time was in the early stages of developing a master-planned suburban community on the far northside of Houston’s metropolitan area. For the next 26 years, the Houston Open and The Woodlands enjoyed a mutually beneficial relationship as the golf tournament rode The Woodlands’ extraordinary success and growth to become one of the top tournaments on the PGA Tour in terms of the amount of money raised for charity each year. That status was cemented when Royal Dutch/Shell Corporation stepped up in the 1990’s to become a stable title sponsor for the tournament.
However, in the late 90’s, the partnership between the HGA and The Woodlands Corporation began to have problems. The HGA believed that the tournament needed to move from the Tournament Players Course in The Woodlands, which had parking problems and was not a particularly popular venue with many of the top players. After The Woodlands Corporation developed the outstanding Carlton Woods Golf Club on the westside of The Woodlands, the HGA concluded that The Woodlands Corporation had reneged on its commitment to build a new Tom Fazio-designed TPC Course on the westside of The Woodlands to host the Houston Open. The Woodlands Corporation — now owned by different owners than the ones who had struck the original deal with the HGA — concluded that the HGA did not sufficiently appreciate how much the growing attractiveness of The Woodlands had contributed to the success of the tournament and that The Woodlands really did not need the golf tournament to continue its phenomenal success.
Consequently, in 2002, the HGA decided to leave The Woodlands and relocate to Redstone Golf Club on the northeast side of Houston. Although the local media typically mimics the HGA’s endlessly positive pronouncements regarding the move to Redstone, the decision is beginning to look like a monumental blunder.
Hard to get a word in edgewise
As noted in this earlier post, John O’Neill is a prominent Houston attorney and Swift Boat Veteran who is a co-author of Unfit for Command that is highly critical of John Kerry’s Vietnam War service and subsequent anti-war activities. Mr. O’Neill had a hard time getting a word in edgewise in this hilarious television interview with MSNBC analyst and Kerry supporter, Lawrence O’Donnell.
I must say that it is impressive that Mr. O’Donnell’s performance made moderator Pat Buchanan appear to be absolutely moderate! ;^) Hat tip to the TigerHawk for the link to this interview.
Checking in again on the Nigerian Barge trial
The first Enron-related criminal trial — the mess known as the Nigerian Barge trial (previous trial posts here, here, and here) — will conclude its evidentiary phase today and U.S. District Judge Ewing Werlein will complete the charge to the jury. Final arguments are scheduled to begin on Tuesday, and likely will extend into Wednesday. Stay tuned for updates.
More on Bush Administration’s discretionary spending policies
Following up on the analysis noted in this previous post, Victor over at the Dead Parrot Society has posted the second part of his analysis on the Bush Administation’s record on domestic, non-defense, non-homeland security, discretionary spending. Inasmuch as the Bush Administration has come under criticism (including here) for its apparent profligacy in this area, I highly recommend reviewing Victor’s analysis, which concludes as follows:
Bush’s record on discretionary spending is not nearly as clear cut as the conventional wisdom would suggest. Bush has dramatically increased discretionary spending in certain specific areas like education. But if we are to try to glean information from his first-term record in order to predict his second term, the evidence is mixed. He isn’t as frugal as Reagan, but isn’t necessarily profligate, either. Upon examining his record in this much detail, I truly cannot say with much certainty whether a second Bush term would be fiscally conservative or whether his view of “compassionate conservatism” necessarily means more spending.
(All of this analysis, of course, ignores the elephant in the room which is the Medicare Prescription Drug bill. But again, there, I’m not sure he’ll do something like that again.)
Joseph Ellis on George Washington
Brandeis history professor David Hackett Fischer — author of Washington’s Crossing and (Oxford 2003) and Paul Revere’s Ride (Oxford 1994) — provides this favorable book review of Mount Holyoke College history professor Joseph J. Ellis‘ (author of Founding Brothers (Vintage 2002) and biographies on Thomas Jefferson and John Adams) new book, His Excellency: George Washington (Knopf 2004).
Professor Fischer notes that Professor Ellis’ book is skeptical of the “conventional idea of Washington as a leader who won the trust of others by honesty, virtue, dignity, and character; a man not consumed by ambition or avarice, but driven by his ideals, and devoted to the principles of the Revolution:”
He dismisses it as a fiction and even a deliberate falsehood, “fabricated” in large part by Washington himself. In its place, he argues that the true Washington was a man of “tumultuous passions,” “aggressive instincts,” “bottomless ambition,” “personal avarice,” and “a truly monumental ego with a massive personal agenda.”
Many men who knew Washington agreed on the passions but believed that he gained full control of them. Ellis argues to the contrary that Washington never mastered himself, and “his aggressive instincts would remain a dangerous liability” through his career. The thesis of this book is that Washington’s life was a continuing struggle against dark inner forces, which led to an “obsession with control,” which in turn caused him to favor control mechanisms for America, including a highly disciplined regular army, strong central government, and hierarchical society. . .
Some elements of Ellis’s conflict model are solidly confirmed by other sources. Jefferson wrote of Washington, “his temper was naturally high toned, but reflection and resolution had obtained a firm and habitual ascendancy. If however, it broke its bounds, he was most tremendous in his wrath.” Adams added, “He had great self-command. It cost him great exertion sometimes, and a constant constraint.”
Read the entire review. Professor Ellis’ latest book is yet another in a long line of fine books over the past decade that have focused on America’s Revolutionary War-era leaders.
But wait a minute. Just how good are these books? In this review, Matthew Price reviews University of Georgia historian Peter Charles Hoffer” new book, Past Imperfect: Facts, Fictions, Fraud — American History from Bancroft and Parkman to Ambrose, Bellesiles, Ellis, and Goodwin (PublicAffairs 2004) contends that the history profession has condoned sloppy scholarship and an “anything-goes” ethical climate:
Hoffer revisits the now-familiar cases of a quartet of historians brought low by scandal in 2002: former Emory University professor Michael Bellesiles, who was accused of falsifying data in “Arming America,” his controversial 2000 study of 18th- and 19th-century gun culture; Stephen Ambrose and Doris Kearns Goodwin, who were both found to have used material from other scholars without full attribution; and Mount Holyoke’s Joseph Ellis, who was rebuked for spinning tales of his nonexistent Vietnam combat record in classes and newspaper articles. According to Hoffer, these were not just isolated incidents but symptoms of a wider problem — one that goes far beyond the headlines to the very way history is written and consumed in America.
. . . Hoffer is particularly harsh on Bellesiles, who resigned from his job at Emory and was stripped of the Bancroft Prize in the wake of the controversy over “Arming America.”
To his defenders, the former Emory historian was the victim of a conservative plot, spearheaded by the National Rifle Association, to discredit Bellesiles’ conclusion that, contrary to the image of the musket-wielding patriot, few early Americans owned functional guns. But in Hoffer’s telling, Bellesiles engaged in deliberate “falsification” of his data. Furthermore, Hoffer asserts, Bellesiles published his book with the trade publisher Knopf (which eventually withdrew the book from circulation) rather than a scholarly press “in order to claim . . . immunity from close professional scrutiny.” (While an investigative panel formed by the AHA found no outright falsification, they condemned Bellesilles’ evasiveness about his source records, many of which could not be traced.)
As for Goodwin and Ambrose, who are also published by trade presses, Hoffer brushes aside their claims that the instances of missing footnotes or insufficient citations were just unintentional and isolated lapses in otherwise sound work. Whatever the intention, Hoffer writes, the end result is the same: “plagiarism,” which under AHA standards, he notes, does not require actual intent to deceive. (He brings greater sympathy to the case of Joseph Ellis, whose scholarship itself was not questioned, suggesting that the same imaginative powers that led him to lie about his life story may have helped him write more subtle and nuanced books.)
2004 Weekly local football review
The Texans were off in Week 7 of the NFL season. They play the Jags at Reliant Stadium in Houston next Sunday.
Green Bay 41 Dallas 20. If there was any doubt that the Cowboys were in deep trouble to date, then this game removed all doubt. The Packers toyed with the Cowboys, who were incapable of stopping either the Pack’s ground or aerial game. In the meantime, the Cowboys have no rushing attack and no real deep threat in the passing game. This 2-5 Cowboy team is a good bet to reach 10-12 losses this season. The improved Lions are up next for the Pokes at Texas Stadium next Sunday.
Texas 51 Texas Tech 21. The 6-1 Horns proved again that they can dominate a team that cannot stop the run. Unfortunately, Texas’ problem is with the teams that can stop the run and force the Horns to rely on their questionable passing game. None of the Horns next four games are going to be picnics — at Colorado, home against Okie State, at Kansas, and the annual Thanksgiving weekend grudge match against the Texas Aggies. Interestingly, it may be Texas’ relatively unnoticed but much improved defense that pulls the Horns through these next four games.
Texas Aggies 29 Colorado 26 (OT). After back-to-back impressive road wins over the past two weeks, the Ags came home and almost laid an egg before winning their sixth straight. The Aggies came out flat in the first half of this game, but mounted a couple of impressive second half comebacks to tie the game in regulation. The Buffs sprayed the ball all around Kyle Field in generating almost 400 yards of passing offense, so the Aggies’ secondary better shore up quickly if they want to stay on the same field with OU’s high-powered offense in two weeks. The 6-1 Ags tune up for the OU showdown by taking on Baylor next week in Waco.
TCU 34 Houston 27. The Coogs are in a clear freefall as their record deteriorates to 1-6 in a game that was not as close as the score reflects. Houston is looking like a 1-10 or 2-9 team to me. What a comedown after Art Briles’ magical first season as UH’s coach.
Navy 14 Rice 13. The Owls made a nice fourth quarter comeback against a strong Navy squad only to undermine their chance for victory in overtime by blowing the PAT after the second TD. The 3-4 Owls are just a couple of breaks away from being 5-2 and in the thick of the race for a minor bowl appearance, but the Owls are now facing a brutal final month of the season beginning next Saturday at Tulsa. Rice will struggle to finish with a .500 record this season.
And, as usual, Kevin Whited has his excellent weekly review of Big 12 games.
Daniel Drezner is voting for Kerry
Daniel Drezner, the assistant professor of poli sci at the University of Chicago who runs the smart Daniel W. Drezner blog, has decided to vote for John Kerry for president, albeit unenthusiastically. His post in which he publishes his decision links to a series of posts over the past several weeks in which Professor Dresner evaluates the pros and cons of each candidate. The series of posts is a highly informative resource for evaluating the positions of the candidates, particularly in the foreign policy arena.
I believe that Professor Drezner places too much emphasis in making his decision on criticism of the Bush Administration’s tactical decisions in Iraq. History instructs us that even successful battlefronts rarely are without significant tactical errors — unfortunately, such is the essential nature of the messy business of war. However, Professor Drezner’s point about the lack of reasoned policy analysis and lack of intellectual flexibility in the Bush Administration is a valid criticism and reflects my biggest reservation about the current administration.
Delta Airlines Chapter 11 filing imminent
Posner on law review articles
Seventh Circuit Judge Richard Posner takes dead aim at law review articles in this Legal Affairs article, and the hilarious sub-headline sums up his viewpoint:
Welcome to a world where inexperienced editors make articles about the wrong topics worse.
Any article by Judge Posner is well worth reading and this one is no exception. He notes the result of the system of law review articles:
The result of the system of scholarly publication in law is that too many articles are too long, too dull, and too heavily annotated, and that many interdisciplinary articles are published that have no merit at all. Worse is the effect of these characteristics of law reviews in marginalizing the kind of legal scholarship that student editors can handle well?articles that criticize judicial decisions or, more constructively, discern new directions in law by careful analysis of decisions. Such articles are of great value to the profession, including its judicial branch, but they are becoming rare, in part because of the fascination of the legal academy with constitutional law, which in fact plays only a small role in the decisions of the lower courts. Law reviews do extensively analyze and criticize the constitutional decisions of the Supreme Court, but the profession, including the judiciary, would benefit from a reorientation of academic attention to lower-court decisions. Not that the Supreme Court isn’t the most important court in the United States. But the 80 or so decisions that it renders every year get disproportionate attention compared to the many thousands of decisions rendered by other appellate courts that are much less frequently written about, especially since justices of the Supreme Court are the judges who are least likely to be influenced by critical academic reflection on their work.
Read the entire article. Also, U.T. Law Prof Brian Leiter has some interesting comments on Judge Posner’s views.
The Bush Administration’s discretionary spending
Victor over at the Dead Parrot Society has performed this interesting analysis of this earlier American Enterprise Institute study (linked in this earlier post via Marginal Revolution) in which the author of the AEI study — Virginia de Rugy — concluded that the Bush Administration compares poorly with other administrations over the past 40 years in terms of reducing the amount of major governmental agency or department spending. Victor focuses on comparing the second Clinton Administration’s spending with the Bush Administration, and concludes as follows:
The numbers are ambiguous. By focusing only on discretionary expenditures, much — but not all — of the cyclical impact of the recession has been removed from the data. When you do this, Bush’s spending looks much better outside of the well documented cases where he has made a conscious push to increase spending (like education). However, he still has not achieved a real reduction in any federal agency.
But if you look at the actual Budget Authority levels, his administration actually has achieved a few reductions.
In both cases, of course, this has occurred in an environment where many agencies are adding homeland security requests to their budgets; I have only anecdotally adjusted for that. Regardless, the overall spending picture isn’t quite as dreary as implied by DeRugy’s original analysis.
Read the entire post. And as noted in this previous post, the prospect is remote that a Kerry Administration would be more restrained in terms of governmental spending than a second Bush Administration.
Quare: Is the difference between the increase in discretionary spending that would likely occur during the next four years under a second Bush Administration as compared to the increase that would likely take place under a Kerry Administration so marginal that it is not really a meaningful reason to favor one administration over the other?