Representing society’s new lepers

Leper colony_3 The increasingly draconian application of child predator and pornography laws has been a frequent topic on this blog.

Norm Pattis does a good job of summarizing the ominous information that defense counsel should provide to defendants and their families face when ensnared in such a prosecution. The bottom line is that the prosecution itself and the usual resulting prison sentence is only the beginning of the defendantís troubles. The aftermath is often even worse.

No one objects to putting away true child predators. But when the tough criminal laws that are used to imprison the child predators are turned against young people who made a mistake in an underage relationship or in viewing pornography, the stark penalties cause needless damage to lives, careers and families.

Organizations such as Texas Voices are informing the public of this tragic waste and the need for reform. It is a worthy cause for a constituency that has no political leverage. Consider lending them your support. 

Houston Metro in a few years

metro mar 15 5-thumb-400x300 Houston ís Metropolitan Transit Authority has been on the receiving end of well-deserved criticism lately regarding its dubious finances (see here, here and here).

But itís always nice to realize that things could be worse. For example, we could be dealing with the San Francisco Bay Areaís Metropolitan Transportation Commission, which actually is one of the models that Metro has used in establishing its absurdly inefficient light rail system. Check this out:

The 2009 annual report from the Metropolitan Transportation Commission (MTC) is a bombshell, a wake up call, a Klaxon – choose whatever metaphor you like – if you care about public transit in the Bay Area, this report is probably going to affect your life.

It shows, more clearly than any of the reports of budget woes coming from the individual transit agencies, that the entire system is unsustainable.

Think the fare hikes and service cuts are bad now? Just wait. The MTC added up the projected budgets of the agencies and found that operating costs would exceed revenues by $8 billion over the next 25 years (emphasis supplied), while planned improvements (like new buses, and the Warm Springs BART station) will require someone to dig up an additional $17 billion in spare change from under the couch.

And thatís not even the worst of it:

In the last decade [Bay Area residents] almost doubled the amount of money [they] put toward transit, while increasing service only 16 percent and ridership only 7 percent.

Meanwhile, Houston Metro is currently proposing to sell $866 in general obligation bonds, yet it does not have non-tax revenue that is even close to covering debt service on that level of debt. Metro has not even floated what credit enhancement it proposes to provide in order to sell those bonds.

Hopefully, Houstonís leaders will nip this type of lunacy in the bud. If they need any incentive, then the Bay Area MTC is a useful reminder of the even bigger mess that Metro could be.

Goldman in the crosshairs

goldman-sachs-fbi-doj The inevitable SEC action against Goldman Sachs took the financial system by storm on Friday, so the weekend has been a feast of blogosphere analysis on the implications of the lawsuit. The best way to follow daily developments in the case is over at Clusterstock where Joe Weisenthal and Henry Blodget have their fingers on the blogosphereís pulse in regard to the SEC lawsuit.

The best analysis of the lawsuit that Iíve read in the blogosphere to date comes from Larry Ribstein, Erik Gerding and UHís Craig Pirrong. Read their posts and you will have a good understanding of the issues involved in the case.

Frankly, the SEC action against Goldman looks a lot more about public relations than effective regulation. As Blodget pointed out on Friday morning, the timing of the filing pushed the highly embarrassing SEC Inspectorís report on the SECís bungling of the investigation into Stanford Financial off the publicís radar screen. One would hope that the SECís due diligence in regard to its action against Goldman is better than its research into Stanford Financial, which was widely known in Houston financial and legal circles to be a sketchy outfit for over a decade before it blew up last year.

The key to the SEC’s case is that Goldman apparently did not disclose to ACA nor IKB and ABN knew that uber-mortgage short specialist John Paulson was placing bets against the underlying securities upon which the synthetic CDO was based at the same time as Paulson was helping Goldman and ACA choose the underlying securities.

Thus, the theory goes, Paulson presumably had an incentive to enhance the failure of the securities. Accordingly, the SEC contends that Goldman and Paulson structured the deal to lose, that Goldman knew the investors wouldn’t buy if they knew that, and that Goldman didn’t disclose those details because it was making fees all over the place.

My sense is that the case is far from a slam dunk (see also here and here) for the SEC, but it probably doesn’t make any difference. If Goldman defends itself and loses, then the trial penalty is that private civil lawsuits by other investors will use the judgment in favor of the SEC to establish liability against Goldman (interestingly, Goldman elected not to disclose its receipt of the Wells Notices related to the SEC lawsuit). Although Goldman could manage the payment of an SEC fine, damages in those civil lawsuits could seriously harm the firm.

Thus, my sense is that Goldman has to settle with the SEC, and probably for a good chunk of change to make the SEC look good. That will likely suit Goldman just fine because it would continue to distract the public from the far larger travesty, which was the way in which the federal government bailed Goldman out from its massive risk of loss in regard to AIG.

From a policy standpoint, the SEC action is a part of the Obama Administration’s public relations campaign to promote federal regulation of the derivatives markets, a point that Professor Ribstein makes in this post:

In other words, the SEC, under pressure to come up with something on the eve of Congress’s final push toward financial regulation comes with a case that the complaint makes clear is much more about the creation of systemic risk than about securities fraud.
This reflects, in part, the new Wall Street, more than three quarters of a century after the securities laws were enacted. Financial regulation is now much more about sophisticated market intermediaries than about individual investors who need somebody to ensure they have the truth about securities.
This is not to say that securities fraud is irrelevant. However, the SEC has struggled on that front ñ the Bank of America settlement, Madoff, Stanford.
And so now we are left with . . . Goldman.

Inasmuch as such regulation will allow federal regulators to exercise the same judgment in regard to derivatives regulation that it applied to regulating the likes of Stanford Financial and Bernie Madoff, count me as decidedly unconvinced that this development constitutes progress.

However, one positive aspect about the SECís complaint is that it provides a stark reminder to investors of the risk of doing business with the likes of Goldman. As Arnold Kling has been saying for years, perhaps it wouldnít be such a bad thing if investors didnít rely so much on the chauffered investment bankers of Wall Street and their friends in government.

Our troubling tax system

Another first rate Cato Institute video on the horrific cost of our overly complicated taxation system.

Rickles roasts Governor Reagan

When Don Rickles got on a roll, he was very, very funny.

That health care overhead

healthcareadmin Following on this post from earlier in the week on the adverse impact that the third party payer system of health care finance has had on controlling health care costs, check out this Catherine Rampell post that passes along the graph on the left and the following startling observation:

ìFor every doctor, there are five people performing health care administrative support.î

And we are about to implement changes in the health care finance system that increases the third party payer element that requires much of this administrative support? While dramatically increasing the number of people covered under such a third party payment scheme with no provision for increased supply of medical services to meet that additonal demand?

What possibly could go wrong?

Milton Friedman on poverty

How we pay for health care

Health Expenditures by Payer What is the most efficient way to pay for health care?

Proponents of a single-payer governmental system content that patients should not have to pay the cost of their health care decisions and that the government can effectively control costs through top-down mandates.

On the other hand, opponents of such a system maintain that the most effective way to curb costs is to have patients bear a portion of their health care costs — such as routine expenses — and that the government canít efficiently control costs without rationing care.

In a recent JAMA op-ed, Dr. John Ford provided this graph (H/T Jeff Miron) to reflect the increase in third-party payment of health care expenses over the past half-century and the decrease in patient payment of expenses over the same span. Health care costs have skyrocketed over the same period.

Why should anyone believe that reform that continues the trend toward more third party payment of health care expenditures is going to result in meaningful reduction of health care costs?

Two best videos from The Masters

It takes awhile, but Adam Scott gets an eagle:

Good thing that Phil Mickelson won and didnít have to endure losing by a stroke. He might have never recovered from this:

The Death of American Virtue

Death of American Virtue I just finished Ken Gormleyís The Death of American Virtue: Clinton v. Starr (Crown 2010) and recommend it highly to anyone who is interested in a thorough examination of the dynamics and circumstances that lead to the abuse of the governmentís enormous prosecutorial power.

What started out as an investigation into Bill and Hillary Clintonís small investment in a failed real estate deal (Whitewater) turned into a tsunami of litigation that practically paralyzed the executive and legislative branches of the federal government for months. Essentially, when the attorneys involved in the investigation couldnít pin anything of substance on the Clintons in regard to Whitewater, they jumped at the opportunity to set President Clinton up to lie in a civil deposition and before a grand jury in regard to his relationship with former White House intern, Monica Lewinsky.

Although few of the attorneys involved in either side of this battle come out looking good, this scrupulously even-handed book places most of the blame at the hands of Ken Starr and his Office of Independent Council prosecutorial team. The fact that Starr and his team thought they could get away with intimidating Lewinsky in a hotel room for over 12 hours without allowing her to contact her counsel speaks volumes of how out of touch they were with the pursuit of justice, not to mention legal ethics. That type of reasoning is why, on balance, Starr and his prosecutorial team come out looking worse than President Clinton and his defenders despite the fact that Clinton lied about his relationship with Lewinsky under oath on two occasions.

One of the most interesting of the dozens of fascinating anecdotes in the book involves Starrís dubious decision to de-emphasize the Whitewater investigation in favor of the Clinton-Lewinsky investigation. Hickman Ewing, who was Starrís deputy running the Whitewater investigation in Little Rock at the time the Lewinsky investigation exploded in Washington, had concluded that Hillary Clinton had committed crimes in regard to her involvement in Whitewater. Iím not as sure as Ewing that she did commit any crime ñ most of what Hillary did appeared to me to be the actions of a lawyer who was simply over her head in dealing with a faltering real estate development and a failing S&L.

At any rate, "[i]n Ewing’s eyes, Mrs. Clinton had lied to the [Office of Independent Council], had lied to the grand jury, and would keep lying until the cows came home if she was not brought to justice," writes Gormley. Ewing went so far as to draft an indictment of Hillary for conspiracy to conceal her true relationship with the Madison Guaranty S&L in order to ìavoid and evade political, criminal and civil liability, fraudulently secure additional income for the Rose Law Firm and safeguard the political campaigns of William Jefferson Clinton.î But because the focus of the investigation had turned toward President Clintonís relationship with Lewinsky, Starr and the other prosecutors outvoted Ewing and elected not to dilute their investigation with a prosecution of Hillary.

Thus, with more than a touch of irony, Ewing observed, "Monica saved Hillary."