Q&A with Victor Davis Hanson

Victor Davis Hanson is accepting email questions on his new website and answering them when he has the time. The following is an insightful answer to one of the current questions:

Question: The wealth and power that Rome accumulated within a couple of generations, it seems, led to two civil wars and the destruction of the Republic. I feel as though our political situation is becoming as partisan and could very well end in some type of civil strife within another generation. Am I way off base here?
Hanson: I can?t quite adjudicate all your comparisons, but I share your worry about polarization and think this next campaign will be the nastiest in some time. I didn?t really dislike personally Bill Clinton, although I felt he weakened the United States abroad. But there were many on the Right who did?and gave him no fair hearing, especially about his commendable though belated attack on Milosevic. Yet, their animus has been trumped by Bush-haters. And we are now in a spiral whose logical end is sort of frightening.

David Warren: One Year Later

David Warren’s latest is “One Year Later.”

Great article on the Martha Stewart saga

One of the most important — yet most difficult — things for an attorney to do in private practice is to advise a valuable client not to do something that the client really wants to do. As Jeffrey Toobin brilliantly relates in this New Yorker article on the downfall and trial of Martha Stewart, that dilemma was one of the primary reasons that Ms. Stewart’s case went awry. Mr. Toobin details the questionable representation that Ms. Stewart received from Wachtell Lipton during, and in preparation for, her initial interview with the Justice Department, and the disastrous effects of her co-defendant attorney’s cross-examination of the prosecution’s main witness during trial:

On the scale of highly publicized misdeeds in the past decade, Stewart’s trade must rank among the most trivial. She netted only about fifty thousand dollars more on the deal than if she’d held the stock for another day, and, as she told me, her ImClone holding constituted .03 per cent of her assets. It seems almost implausible that such a misstep could send Stewart to prison and lead her company to ruin, and that this happened with the help of the best and most loyal people that money could buy.
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On February 4th, . . . [Wachtell Lipton partner John] Savarese and an inexperienced associate at Wachtell, Lipton accompanied Stewart to her interview at the U.S. Attorney’s office in Manhattan. Confident that she could truthfully refute the charge that Waksal himself had tipped her, Stewart told investigators the fabricated story about the pre-existing agreement to sell ImClone at sixty. Worse, Savarese allowed a second interrogation, on April 10th, during which Stewart again lied about the sixty-dollar agreement and asserted, falsely, that she couldn’t remember whether she was told on December 27th that the Waksals were selling. To be sure, it was Stewart, not her lawyer, who lied to the investigators, but Savarese had allowed his client to take an immense legal risk
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Through the early part of the trial, Peter Bacanovic’s lawyers generally deferred to Morvillo, much as their client did to Stewart. Bacanovic’s lead lawyer, Richard Strassberg, a former Assistant U.S. Attorney in Manhattan, who is now with the firm of Goodwin Procter, presented Bacanovic’s opening statement, but he shared substantial responsibility for the defense with David Apfel, a Boston-based partner at the firm. Apfel, who is fifty-one, had a distinguished career as a federal prosecutor in Massachusetts, where in 1997 he won the John Marshall Award, the Justice Department’s highest award for trial work. In the late nineties, he turned to private practice, and, at the lectern on February 4th, he proceeded to give life to the courtroom adage that the best prosecutors do not always make the best defense lawyers.
Apfel organized his notes, stared down Faneuil on the witness stand, and snarled at him, “Mr. Faneuil, let’s get a few things straight right away.”
Thus began a catastrophically ineffective cross-examination. . .

I continue to agree with Professor Bainbridge that prosecutorial discretion should have mitigated against a prosecution of Ms. Stewart in this case. But as this article points out, Ms. Stewart and her advisers’ failure to address her actions in selling the ImClone stock in a forthright and honest manner bears much of the responsibility for Martha’s demise.
Thanks to Evan Shaeffer for the link to the New Yorker article.

The Latest Coup

The New York Times has its faults, but it continues to be one of the best sources of international news reporting. Today, Times foreign correspondence Michael Wines writes this incredible story about the latest coup attempt in Equitorial Guinea, the poor Western African country that has been the site of an oil and gas drilling boom over the past decade. The entire story is the stuff from which entertaining movies are made, and the following will give you a flavor for it:

This malarial West African dictatorship quashed another coup attempt this month, which is like saying the corner 7-Eleven served up another Slurpee. Quashed coups (five since 1996) are a political staple here, so routine that some say the government stages and then quashes them to burnish its image of invincibility.
But the coup this month was different. Nobody could make this coup up.
The coup attempt of 2004 features a dysfunctional ruling family, a Lamborghini-driving, rap-music-producing heir apparent and a bitter political opponent in exile who insists that Equatorial Guinea is run by a gonad-eating cannibal. It is said to involve a Lebanese front company, a British financier, an opposition figure living in exile in Spain and some 80 mercenaries from South Africa, Germany, Armenia and Kazakhstan.
With such a polyglot cast, this whodunit has become almost a parlor game among Africa watchers. Not since Christmas 1975, when Moroccan palace guards shot 150 suspected plotters in the city soccer stadium to a band’s rendition of “Those Were the Days, My Friend” has a botched takeover set tongues wagging so briskly.
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. . . [t]oppling Equatorial Guinea’s government would be no mean feat, because removing the president would barely scratch the surface. The military is peppered with Mr. Obiang’s cousins and nephews. One of his sons is the natural resources minister. A brother-in-law is ambassador to Washington.
A brother, Armengol Ondo Nguema, is a top internal security official and, according to a 1999 State Department report, a torturer whose minions urinated on their victims, sliced their ears and rubbed oil on their bodies to lure stinging ants.
Finally, a second son, Teodoro Nguemo Obiang, is the infrastructure minister and his father’s anointed successor. To the dismay of some relatives, he also is a rap music entrepreneur and bon vivant, fond of Lamborghinis and long trips to Hollywood and Rio de Janeiro, who shows few signs of following his father’s iron-fisted tradition.
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The entire plot, he said, was hatched by Severo Moto, an Equatorial Guinean opposition figure and longtime fomenter of quashed coups who lives in exile in Madrid. Mr. Moto’s coup was said to be financed by $5 million from a British businessman, washed through a front company in Lebanon.
Mr. Moto makes no secret of his hatred of President Obiang: on Spanish radio this month, he called him a demon who “systematically eats his political rivals.”
“He has just devoured a police commissioner. I say `devoured,’ as this commissioner was buried without his testicles and brain,” he said, adding that Mr. Obiang hungered for his body parts as well.
“We are in the hands of a cannibal,” he warned.