Category Archives: Legal – Criminalizing Business

Kevin Howard Accepts a Trial Penalty Deal

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With no valid case against former Enron Broadband CFO Kevin Howard, what was the Department of Justice to do?

Rattle the saber of the trial penalty and cut a deal.

On one hand, the deal appears to be an extraordinarily good one for Howard.

The DOJ has already run him through two financially and emotionally draining trials and related appeals, both of which resulted in embarrassing defeats for the DOJ. Had the DOJ been able to persuade a jury to make even a small portion of the charges stick (not particularly difficult in this anti-Enron environment), Howard would probably have been looking at doing between 5-10 years of prison time while appealing his convictions (believe me, there is precedent for that in the Enron-related criminal cases). So, serving four to 12 months of probation or home confinement doesn’t look too bad in comparison.

But on another level, the deal that Howard was forced to take stinks.

As with Jeff Skilling, Kevin Howard didn’t steal a dime from Enron and was simply trying to do the best job he could of preserving value in the company’s broadband unit under difficult market conditions.

Moreover, it’s not as if the unit didn’t have potential — Enron’s joint venture with Blockbuster was intended to bring video on demand to millions of households. Almost a decade later, this technology exists on cable and is quite similar to the technology used in Apple Computer’s popular iPod. This latter system is a elegant accommodation to copyrighted music and video programming in which artists are compensated and consumers have tremendously enhanced access to information and entertainment.

As Skilling testified during his trial, although Enron’s investment in its broadband unit turned out to be a loser, Enron’s bet on broadband had been the right one to make:

“And one last thing — I’ll make the last one argument for Broadband because people criticize me about Broadband, and I will take the criticism. We — certainly, we made a mistake. But it wasn’t big. I mean, it was a billion dollars. We invested a billion dollars in the Broadband business. If it had worked, it could have been worth $30 billion. It didn’t work. We lost a billion dollars, but if you can make those kinds of bets, that’s the kind of the risk you [should be taking] as a corporation. And if you do a lot of [deals with a] downside of a billion and upside of $30 [billion], you’re doing a good job for your shareholders in the long run, in my opinion. This one didn’t work.”

That, as Skilling noted, is the type of risk that management needs the freedom to take in order to create wealth for shareholders. Criminalizing those types of failed bets is a sure way to dampen the climate for wealth creation.

Thus, confronted with no evidence of criminal wrongdoing outside of Andrew Fastow’s relatively small Enron circle of friends, and under heavy political pressure to identify some Enron scapegoats, the Enron Task Force made up a crime against Howard and others. It turned out to be violation of the honest services wire-fraud statute under 18 U.S.C. § 1346.

However, there was a problem with the Task Force’s theory of criminal liability. Honest services wire-fraud is normally supposed to address the situation where a business executive takes a kickback or a bribe in violation of his fiduciary duty to his company. Howard wasn’t even accused of doing any such thing. In Howard’s case — as with the case against Skilling — the Task Force simply used those inapplicable charges as a means to appeal to juror resentment against anything having to do with Enron.

In reality, Howard was involved in representing Enron in the negotiation of legitimate business transactions that were evidenced by written agreements that provided that all agreements or representations between the parties that are not contained in the written agreements were void and unenforceable.

But that’s not what really happened, contended the prosecution — Howard entered into “secret side deals” that changed the risk allocation of the written agreements and eviscerated Enron’s accounting treatment of the transactions. The prosecution “paid” a couple of witnesses to testify against Howard by cutting favorable plea deals with them and “presto” — the DOJ had a colorable criminal case to pursue against Howard. Who cares whether the statute under which the prosecution is brought has nothing to do with the alleged crime?

Now, two expensive trials and related appeals later, Howard was confronted with the choice of, on one hand, admitting to a crime that he did not commit and a soft sentence or, on the other, a third trial and a draconian trial penalty.

Howard’s dilemma sheds light on the disparate burdens on civil and criminal defendants in business misconduct cases. While a defendant in a civil business misconduct lawsuit has protections against another party’s vexatious litigation tactics, those protections do not exist in a criminal business misconduct case against an unpopular businessman-defendant. Indeed, many of the Enron Task Force prosecutors who promoted these failed Enron-related prosecutions have gone on to lucrative careers in private practice.

Meanwhile, the damaged lives, ruined career, and destroyed wealth that lie in the wake of the prosecutions of Kevin Howard is tangible evidence of the enormous cost of such prosecutions.

The statement of facts upon which Howard’s plea is based is still not available online; I will post it when it is filed with the District Court. But my bet is that most of the statement will not even describe wrongdoing, much less criminal conduct.

During a time in which we ought to be thinking about how to create incentives for generating wealth and jobs, a truly civilized society would find a better way.

SCOTUS takes up the honest services issue

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ConradBlack Well now, that certainly did not take long, now did it?

Just a week after former Enron CEO Jeff Skilling appealed his criminal conviction and monstrous 24-year prison sentence to the U.S. Supreme Court on an allegedly erroneous application of the honest services wire-fraud statute (18 U.S.C. § 1346), the Supreme Court agreed to hear the appeal of former Hollinger International chairman Conrad Black on similar grounds. The briefs in support and opposition to Black’s petition for certiorari to the Supreme Court can be reviewed here.

Black’s conviction revolves around allegations that he diverted about $6 million from Hollinger International, which owned the Sun-Times and a number of other newspapers. He and two other former executives whose appeals will also be heard by the Supreme Court — former Hollinger CFO John Boultbee and corporate counsel Mark Kipnis — were convicted of three counts of mail fraud based on the theory that they improperly arranged the transfer of $5.5 million from a Hollinger subsidiary under sham non-compete agreements.

The high court’s decision to hear Black’s appeal on the honest services wire fraud issue leaves the Skilling petition somewhat in limbo. Although Skilling’s appeal arguably frames the issue better than Black’s, the Court could simply carry Skilling’s petition along with Black’s appeal and then remand Skilling’s case to the Fifth Circuit once it has adjudicated Black’s appeal.

But regardless whether the Supreme Court grants cert in Skilling’s appeal, the Court’s decision to hear Black’s appeal is very good news for Skilling.

By the way, as if on cue, Lord Black from his prison cell provides this entertaining evisceration of the forces that prevented him from selling for the benefit of shareholders the now bankrupt and worthless Chicago Sun-Times. Here’s a taste of Lord Black’s analysis of the situation:

[Former Bush I administration SEC chairman Richard] Breeden, whose career highlights include whitewashing George W. Bush on his lucrative insider trade in Harken Energy shares before the Gulf War in 1991, while he was Bush Sr.’s SEC chairman, and his immensely well-paid stints as special monitor or counsel of KPMG, WorldCom, and Fannie Mae, produced his special committee report in August 2005. (He has since, with no background at all, set up an offshore hedge fund and has promptly lost more than half his investors’ money.)

The report had cost over $100 million, accused us of a $500 million kleptocracy, and promised a future of unheard-of profitability for the company. On this, Breeden has delivered, as no profit has been heard of since he usurped the management. He also promised $1 billion of recoveries for the shareholders, and has instead wiped them out; $2 billion from the pockets and retirement and college funds of scores of thousands of people.

His report did fulfill his objective of generating criminal charges that, if substantially successful, could vacate or at least mitigate my $1 billion libel suits against him, the largest defamation claims in Canadian history.

Lord Black is a genuine piece of work.

The State of the Skilling case

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The attorneys for former Enron CEO Jeff Skilling filed a petition for a writ of certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court yesterday, which is quite interesting and is being widely reported in the mainstream media.

However, as interesting as a Supreme Court appeal is, that is not the most interesting aspect of the Skilling case right now.

But first the petition.

As usual, Skilling’s legal team at O’Melveny & Myers did an outstanding job in lucidly presenting why the Supreme Court should consider Skilling’s appeal.

In short, Skilling’s petition contends that the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeal’s decision in Skilling’s appeal made a mess of two key issues:

(i) application of the honest services wire fraud statute (18 U.S.C. § 1346) to Skilling’s actions, and

(ii) application of the standard for deciding the proper venue for Skilling’s trial in the face of a presumption of community prejudice against Skilling.

As noted previously, the Fifth Circuit panel’s decision in Skilling’s appeal failed to reconcile its reasoning in upholding Skilling’s conviction for honest services wire-fraud under 18 U.S.C. § 1346 with earlier Fifth Circuit panel decisions on the same issue in the Nigerian Barge and Kevin Howard cases.

Inasmuch as there is now a clear split between Fifth Circuit decisions and other circuit appellate courts on the scope of honest services wire-fraud, the issue appears ripe for Supreme Court consideration. Indeed, Skilling’s petition notes Supreme Court Justice Scalia’s recent observation about the need for the high court to take up the issue:

“Without some coherent limiting principle to define what ‘the intangible right of honest services’ is, whence it derives, and how it is violated, this expansive phrase invites abuse by headline grabbing prosecutors in pursuit of local officials, state legislators, and corporate CEOs who engage in any manner of unappealing or ethically questionable conduct.” Sorich v. U.S., 129 S.Ct. 1308, 1310 (2009). [.  .  .]

There is a “serious argument” that, as Justice Scalia put it, “a freestanding, open-ended duty to provide ‘honest services’—with the details to be worked out case-by-case”—amounts to “nothing more than an invitation for federal courts to develop a common-law crime of unethical conduct.” Sorich, 129 S.Ct. at 1310. And because the notion that courts can “discover[]” whether conduct is criminal using common-law reasoning is “utterly anathema,” [cite deleted] there is an equally serious argument that § 1346 is unconstitutionally vague. [cite deleted].It should not be the task of federal courts to save a facially vague and unenforceable statute from itself. Only Congress can properly demarcate the boundaries of honest-services fraud. . .

Yeah, we know all about those “headline grabbing prosecutors,” don’t we?

The venue issue is even simpler. Skilling argues that the Fifth Circuit improperly allowed U.S. District Judge Sim Lake to rebut a presumption of community prejudice against Skilling through a superficial examination of individual jurors even though the Fifth Circuit concluded that Judge Lake had improperly failed to apply the presumption of community prejudice against Skilling. The Fifth Circuit’s ruling is at odds with several other circuit courts decisions that maintain that such a presumption simply cannot be rebutted, so that conflict between the circuits tees up another Supreme Court issue.

Frankly, given the extensive evidence of both pervasive media bias and prospective juror bias against Skilling, if the Supreme Court allows the Fifth Circuit’s decision to stand on the venue issue, then a denial of a motion to change the venue of a trial within the Fifth Circuit will no longer be grounds for an appeal.

But now for the more interesting developments in Skilling’s case.

Flying almost completely under the radar screen is the fact that the Fifth Circuit decision remanded a portion of Skilling’s case for two reasons.

First, the Fifth Circuit ordered Judge Lake to re-sentence Skilling because of an error that was made in applying a sentencing enhancement in assessing Skilling’s 24-year sentence.

Moreover, the Fifth Circuit decision invited Skilling to file a motion for new trial based on issues of prosecutorial misconduct. Specifically, the Fifth Circuit was particularly concerned about the failure of the Enron Task Force to comply with federal rules requiring the disclosure of exculpatory evidence to the defense from the Task Force’s pre-trial interviews with main Skilling accuser, former Enron CFO Andrew Fastow.

Fastow testified at trial that he told Skilling about the Global Galactic agreement, which purportedly documented a series of illegal “side deals” between Fastow and former Enron chief accountant Richard Causey that guaranteed Fastow would not lose money on certain special purpose entities that he was managing. Skilling denied any knowledge of the purported agreement.

After Skilling’s conviction, the Skilling defense team discovered Fastow interview notes that the Enron Task Force had failed to disclose to the Skilling team prior to trial. Among other things, those notes revealed that Fastow had told the Task Force lawyers that he didn’t think he had told Skilling about the Global Galactic agreement. The Fifth Circuit characterized the Task Force’s non-disclosure as “troubling” in inviting Skilling to file a motion for new trial with the District Court.

So, where does the Fifth Circuit’s remand of the Skilling appeal stand in the District Court?

Well, a review of the District Court docket of Skilling’s criminal case reveals that Judge Lake originally scheduled Skilling’s resentencing for July 30th.

However, in a highly unusual move, Skilling and the prosecution filed a joint motion requesting Judge Lake to put off the re-sentencing indefinitely pending the filing of Skilling’s motion for a new trial, the prosecution’s response to that motion, and the Court’s disposition of the motion. Moreover, the parties requested that the deadline for Skilling’s motion be pushed back to July 10th, which Judge Lake approved.

So, what is going on here?

Could it be that Skilling’s team has discovered even more exculpatory evidence that the Task Force failed to disclose to the Skilling defense prior to the trial?

Could it be that the government’s current lawyers — who were not members of the now disbanded Task Force and who have little incentive to cover for their predecessors — are now finding themselves dealing with a serious failure of the Task Force members to comply with rules requiring the disclosure of exculpatory evidence to the defense in Skilling’s case?

Could the Skilling case be turning into something similar to this?

Stay tuned.

Permanent Enron myopia

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Loren Steffy Inasmuch as what took place with regard to Enron earlier in the decade has now happened to much of Wall Street, the vacuity of the Houston Chronicle’s coverage of Enron-related matters has become clear.

Nevertheless, Chronicle business columnist Loren Steffy still cannot work himself out of his small Enron shell.

Most recently, Steffy wrote this column in which he compares Sir Allen Stanford of the beleaguered Stanford Financial Group to former Enron executives, Ken Lay and Jeff Skilling:

All this finger pointing should bring a strong sense of déjà vu to Houstonians, who watched Enron’s meteoric rise and fall, as well as the unsuccessful efforts of the late company chairman Ken Lay and CEO Jeff Skilling to plead ignorance of the company’s fraudulent accounting practices and blame any criminal behavior on the chief financial officer, Andy Fastow.  .  .  .

If Stanford is any indication, the “I’m not a crook, I’m an idiot” defense for CEOs remains alive and well. For those who buy the idea that people who construct and direct massive financial enterprises are really dunces who haven’t a clue how they function, we’ve got a truckload of Enron shares to sell.

Of course, the foregoing is a complete misrepresentation of Skilling and Lay’s defense. Rather than contending that he did not know what was going on at Enron, Skilling contended that he was a hand’s-on manager over virtually all facets of Enron’s far-flung business operations. Similarly, Lay contended that he became intimately involved in day-to-day management of the company after re-taking the Enron CEO role when Skilling resigned unexpectedly in August, 2001. Thus, Skilling and Lay’s position was that they were totally engaged in Enron’s massive business operations, that there was no wide-ranging fraud, and that Enron’s trust-based business model failed when skittish post-9/11 markets became spooked over conflict-of-interest allegations regarding Fastow’s role in generally legitimate special purpose entities.

That’s a bit different than Sir Allen’s defense that "he left all the financial stuff" to Stanford Capital’s CFO James Davis, don’t you think?

Steffy has done this before in regard to Enron-related matters, so another misrepresentation isn’t really surprising. But what is troubling is the Chronicle’s continued promotion of Steffy’s simplistic world view in which most troubled businesses are seen as merely a vehicle by which greedy and unethical executives exploit helpless investors. Indeed, Steffy’s fatuous viewpoint casts complex business events as merely struggles by honest investors against bad executives. Not only does this viewpoint ignore reality, it provides Steffy comfort by allowing himself to feel morally certain and superior to those he is belittling, while saving himself from the hard work of performing any serious analysis.

Morality plays are comfortable and easy to tell. The truth is more nuanced and harder to explain. In choosing to take the easy way out, the Chronicle and Steffy have forfeited the opportunity to provide a valuable service to investors and businesspeople by furthering understanding on such key subjects as the importance of hedging risk and the fragile nature of trust-based businesses.

That type of understanding sure would have come in handy for many investors in Wall Street firms over the past couple of years.

April 30, 2009 Update: Loren Steffy responds here and points out that the quote that I used above is from a Chronicle editorial that he did not write. For that error, I apologize.

However, Steffy’s related column here makes the same misrepresentation regarding Ken Lay’s defense and Steffy’s blog post continues to fail to respond to the misrepresentation.

Some things never change.

Remember Ken Lay?

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KenLayJoe Weisenthal and Henry Blodget over at Clusterstock have been all over the breaking story yesterday that, as many of us suspected, former Treasury Secretary Henry Paulson and perhaps other governmental officials threatened Bank of America CEO Ken Lewis and the BofA board if the bank exercised its right to terminate the Merrill Lynch acquisition based on a material change in Merrill Lynch’s financial condition.

Of course, this is not the story that Lewis and Paulson were telling to BofA shareholders. They were assuring the shareholders that the Merrill Lynch acquisition was a great deal for BofA.

A few years ago, former Enron chairman Ken Lay was prosecuted to death for promoting Enron even though he had a reasonable basis for believing that what he was saying about his company was true. In contrast, neither Lewis nor Paulson could even offer the defense in a criminal fraud trial that they thought that the good things that they were telling BofA shareholders about the Merrill Lynch deal were true. We now know that they knew that the assurances were false.

This is not to suggest that Paulson or Lewis should be prosecuted for criminal fraud. They were in an extremely difficult situation — they and others were concerned that the U.S. and world financial system might collapse if the markets became spooked by BofA backing out of the Merrill Lynch deal. I didn’t agree with that concern, but I understood the position of those that did. They may have been correct. At this point, we’ll never know for sure.

However, regardless of whether that view was correct, neither Paulson nor Lewis should be prosecuted for a violation of criminal law for their actions. Although they made false statements to the markets regarding BofA’s acquisition of Merrill Lynch, there is no question that they thought what they were doing was essential to saving the financial system and firms such as BofA.

If their actions make them responsible for damages to BofA shareholders, then let that liability be sorted out in civil court where liability can be allocated fairly to everyone who had a hand in causing those damages. What’s to be gained by throwing them in prison? They simply were not operating on the same fraud plane as Bernie Madoff.

But here is my other point — Ken Lay was prosecuted to death for conduct that was not even intentional. Now that what happened to Enron has happened to many of the biggest and most prestigious Wall Street firms, isn’t it about time that somebody in the federal government acknowledges that what was done to Ken Lay was a massive injustice?

And in the meantime, isn’t it about time that this barbaric injustice be rectified, too?

The Chronicle’s Enron myopia

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blindfolded_walkers Even when it is on the right side of an issue, the Chronicle reminds us of its failings.

As noted earlier here, it has become fashionable among the Old Media to support the recent decision of the Justice Department to request dismissal of the criminal case against former Alaska senator Ted Stevens because of the DOJ’s misconduct in handling the prosecution. The Chronicle chimed in last week with this self-righteous editorial.

Of course, for anyone paying attention, prosecutorial misconduct by the DOJ is not unusual. U.S. District Judge Lewis Kaplan sanctioned the DOJ by dismissing indictments against 13 former KPMG partners. Federal prosecutors in Miami are in hot water with a federal judge there over abusive tactics in a criminal drug case against a local doctor. There even appears to be a connection between the prosecutorial misconduct in the Steven case and the dubious case against former Vice-Presidential aide, Scooter Libby.

As the always-insightful Larry Ribstein points out, could it be that there are agency costs in managing corporate criminal prosecutions just as there are in managing corporations? Along the same lines, Doug Berman suggests that an insidious culture within the DOJ has produced the abuse of power.

But the most galling aspect of the Chronicle’s emergent awareness of abusive state power is that it has virtually ignored the egregious examples of prosecutorial misconduct in its own hometown, particularly in the case against Jeff Skilling that resulted in a barbaric and indefensible 24-year prison sentence.

As conflicted publications such as the Wall Street Journal promoted Enron myths and the demonization of Enron executives, the Chronicle could have provided a valuable public service by providing balanced reporting and analysis of what really caused Enron’s demise and how such a company can be better-structured to survive in even the most adverse market conditions. When clear evidence of prosecutorial misconduct emerged early in the Enron-related criminal cases, the Chronicle could have provided an even greater public service by taking a strong stand against such dangerous abuse of state power. It’s certainly not hard to find historical reminders of the injustice that results from such abuse.

So, what did the Chronicle do instead? It embraced the Enron Myth and led the mob in demonizing Enron executives. From the beginning of the Enron-related criminal cases, the Chronicle editorial staff simply elected to ignore mounting evidence of prosecutorial misconduct in favor of the easier approach of leading the angry mob. The Chronicle’s coverage of the Skilling prosecution was so inflammatory and biased that the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals made the highly unusual finding that the Chronicle created a presumption of community prejudice against Skilling (see pp. 41-45 of the Fifth Circuit decision).

Even now, despite the legacy of prosecutorial misconduct in the Enron-related criminal cases and the fact that what happened to Enron has now happened to many big Wall Street firms, the Chronicle stubbornly clings to the Enron Myth and refuses even to acknowledge that the evidence of prosecutorial abuse in the Enron-related cases is worse than what caused the dismissal of the Stevens case.

As with most Old Media newspapers these days, the Chronicle is struggling to survive. Winning that first Pulitzer Prize sure would sure provide a boost to the Chronicle’s flagging spirits.

Wouldn’t it be the ultimate irony if the decision to lead the angry mob against Enron distracted the Chronicle from a truly enthralling story of prosecutorial misconduct that could have won the newspaper that elusive Pulitzer?

The Wavering Rule of Law

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scales of justice So, because of prosecutorial misconduct, the Justice Department decides to move for dismissal of the political corruption case against former Alaska senator Ted Stevens (previous posts here and here).

Meanwhile, Jeff Skilling, who created billions of dollars in wealth and thousands of jobs by revolutionizing risk management of natural gas prices for producers and industrial consumers, sits in a Colorado prison cell under the weight of a barbaric 24-year prison sentence. Skilling’s conviction involved even more egregious prosecutorial misconduct than the Stevens case. The criminal case against Skilling was materially weaker than the case against Stevens, too.

It is a sad reflection of the current state of American rule of law that the DOJ readily concedes prosecutorial misconduct against an arguably corrupt legislator, but ignores it in a shaky case against a businessperson who created many jobs and great wealth.

And how bizarre is it that America’s primary business newspaper rightly decries the government’s abuse of Stevens’ due process rights but continues to ignore even worse abuses with regard to a creative and productive businessperson?
Update: Larry Ribstein chimes in, too.

Losing the grip on AIG

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resign The business blogosphere was abuzz yesterday over publication of AIG executive Jake DeSantis’ remarkable resignation letter to AIG CEO, Ed Liddy.

But what was even more remarkable was the reaction of some commentators that makes abundantly clear that common sense often evaporates in the face of big money.

DeSantis is a longtime AIG executive who worked for one of AIG’s profitable units. When AIG was going down the tubes last year because of losses incurred in the company’s untethered CDS trading unit, DeSantis agreed to stay on at a nominal salary and continue making profits in his unit in return for a substantial, but not over-market, bonus.

Such arrangements are not unusual for financially-troubled companies and might very well have been arranged even had AIG gone into a chapter 11 reorganization rather than become the subject of an ill-advised government bailout. In short, it’s a good thing for creditors of AIG — including now U.S. taxpayers — that the company retain people such as DeSantis who might make the company profitable and valuable again.

Or course, we all know what happened when AIG disclosed publicly that it had made the bonus payments to DeSantis and other AIG executives. They were demonized in a manner that has not been seen since Enron.

DeSantis’ resignation letter lays this all out and notes the indisputable hypocrisy of AIG executives and government officials who knew about these compensation arrangements, but who flamed the public uproar rather than provide the quite simple and reasonable explanation for the bonuses.

I mean really. Who could argue that DeSantis and the other similarly-situated AIG executives were treated in an abominable manner?

Well, up to the plate steps one Brian Montopoli, a CBSNews.com political reporter, who establishes beyond any doubt that he needs to remain a political, rather than business, reporter:

Mr. DeSantis is not a plumber. He is a Wall Street executive who has made millions of dollars. And it’s safe to assume that most plumbers don’t believe he has gotten a bad deal, AIG scandal notwithstanding.

In essence, Montopoli reasons that other people are working just as hard as DeSantis and they would gladly trade places with him if they could have made as much scratch as he has earned over the years. Given that DeSantis made a lot of money while he was at AIG, Montopoli thinks he is "tone deaf" for pointing out the injustice of being unfairly demonized and cheated out of the compensation that was promised to him in return for staying on at AIG under extremely difficult circumstances.

In short, those evil capitalist roaders deserve most of our scorn and they should just shut the hell up.

In the face of such addled reasoning, it’s hard to know where to begin. But let’s start by pointing out that Montopoli ignores the rather important fact that no one has stopped him or anyone else from attempting to compete with DeSantis in his area of business and make just as much money as he has over the years. The reality is that there are relatively few people who do what DeSantis does well. That’s why he commands a larger salary than most of us.

The fact that DeSantis makes more money than we do doesn’t mean that it’s OK to screw him out of his compensation or that he shouldn’t be heard to set the record straight when such an injustice takes place.

Trampling Stanford

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Laura Pendergest-Holt As most folks following the upfolding Stanford Financial Group scandal know by now, Laura Pendergest-Holt was the first Stanford executive arrested in connection with the scandal.

If only a few of the allegations contained in the motion below are true, it looks as if the Justice Department and the SEC are well on their way to trampling the Constitutional rights of Ms. Pendergest-Holt, R. Allen Stanford and the other targeted Stanford executives in a manner that we’ve seen before.

Pendergest-Holt Motion to Set Aside Receiver #141

An uncivilized routine

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conrad_black.jpgFormer Hollinger International chairman and CEO Conrad Black‘s daily routine these days is not quite as civilized as the one followed by Winston Churchill, wouldn’t you agree?:

I get up just after 7 except on the weekends and holidays when it is possible to sleep in. I eat some granola and go to my workplace where I tutor high school-leaving candidates, one-on-one, though sometimes I have to deal with up to four at a time, around my desk, and talk with fellow tutors and other convivial people. I lunch around 11 with friends from education, work on e-mails, play the piano for 30 to 60 minutes, return to my tutoring tasks by 1, return to my unit at 3, deal with more e-mails, rest from 4 to 6, eat dinner in the unit then, and go for a walk in the compound or recreation yard for a couple of hours, drinking coffee well-made by Colombian fellow-residents, and come back into the residence about 8:30, deal with e-mails and whatever, have my shower etc., around midnight, read until 1-1:30 a.m. and go to sleep. On the weekends it is pretty open. [.  .  .]

The days and weeks tend to resemble each other. Time does go by quickly but a bit imperceptibly. I have quite a lot of e-mail and correspondence and limited telephone traffic. Essentially, I try to keep as well in touch with people and events as possible and I am lucky that many friends outside want to correspond. I psychologically live outside this facility most of the time.