The US Supreme Court’s strained relationship with Texas and the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals over death penalty cases — which was previously discussed here and here — is back in the news as the high court again takes up the case of LaRoyce L. Smith, who was convicted and sentenced to die for the murder of a former co-worker. The Supreme Court overturned the sentence in 2004, but the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals promptly reinstated the conviction on the ground that the constitutional error that the Supreme Court had identified was harmless. The main issue in the second appeal is whether the Court of Criminal Appeal’s response was an appropriate one to the Supreme Court’s previous mandate in the case.
As the article points out, the recent history of capital punishment in the United States is inextricably tied to capital punishment in Texas, where 380 prisoners have been put to death since the Supreme Court reinstated the death penalty in 1976. That number is far more than any other state — Virginia is second with 98.
Meanwhile, this Ralph Blumenthal/NY Times story reports on a case that reflects the main reason why I oppose the death penalty (previous posts here, here and here) — a 50 year-old Dallas black man being exonerated by DNA evidence after serving nearly half his life in prison after being wrongfully convicted of rape. It is the 12th such case in Dallas County alone of a conviction being overturned by DNA evidence since 2001.
Finally, sentencing expert Doug Berman provides this post and related links explaining why the Supreme Court’s fixation on death penalty cases is not such a good thing.
Category Archives: Legal – General
The struggle of recovery made worse
Although the Bush Administration’s troubles in devising and implementing a workable strategy for bringing civil order to Baghdad receives most of the mainstream’s media attention, the failure of government to facilitate order in New Orleans and rebuilding throughout the Hurricane Katrina-ravaged Gulf Coast region is a more appalling failure (earlier post here).
It’s not as if my expectations for government in the New Orleans region are all that high — I’d be satisfied with ensuring law and order, making sure that basic services are provided and creating an environment where entreprenuers will take the risk of starting businesses that will create badly-needed jobs for the residents of the area. In this NY Times article, Adam Nossiter continues his series of excellent series of articles over the past year regarding the failure of the local and state governments in New Orleans to ensure law and order and the devastating effect that failure is having on the region.
Meanwhile, in another not as well-reported failure of government, this NY Times article reports on the Oreck Corporation’s decision to move its maufacturing facility and 500 jobs from the Gulf Coast region of Mississippi to Tennessee, in large part because of the company’s difficulties in arranging insurance for its operations in Mississippi. As Ted Frank observes, the lack of insurance coverage is the direct result of Mississippi courts expansion of the coverage of insurance contracts beyond their plain terms and the state legislature’s response to those court decisions, which “has [made] things worse: criticize the businesses who have left, and seek to further regulate the price of insurance, despite thousands of years of evidence that limiting the price will reduce the amount supplied and lead to shortages.”
But at least the region has (for this season anyway) a good professional football team, which continues to exist in New Orleans only because local and state governments in Louisiana found the time and resources to arrange several hundred million in emergency funding for the team and its facilities. And even that subsidy might not work in the long run. As usual, the government has its priorities in order.
By the way, while on the subject of interesting Ted Frank blog posts, don’t miss this one.
Rabinowitz on the mob in the Duke lacrosse team case
I’ve written frequently about how a mob mentality took hold in a case familiar to Houstonians and led to a grave injustice for a large number of businesspersons, particularly two men and their families (examples here, here and here). The Wall Street Journal’s Dorothy Rabinowitz examines in this OpinionJournal op-ed how a similar dynamic resulted in the demonization of several young men in what will now forever be known as the Duke lacrosse team case. Rabinowitz analogizes the Duke students’ case to that of the phony child-abuse cases that she has previously exposed, but the dynamic is the same in many high-profile cases in which certain elements of the government, media and the public jump to a conclusion about guilt when a reasoned, objective and deliberate examination of the facts of the case would result in a far different and more nuanced conclusion. Larry Ribstein and the WSJ’s ($) Holman Jenkins have masterfully presented how the same dynamic has led to the unnecessary destruction of careers and lives in connection with the media-inspired scandal regarding the widespread policy of backdating options as a means of compensating corporate personnel (Larry analyzes today’s news of the newly-reported criminal investigation of Apple here). In the Duke lacrosse team case, it is particularly ironic that many in the media and on Duke’s faculty were enablers of abusive, dishonest law enforcement and prosecution tactics that are far more often used in cases against minorities that those enablers would decry. They now share responsibility for the continued use of such tactics long after the spotlight on the Duke lacrosse team case has moved on to the next fixation of the mob.
Rocket docket
Awhile back, this post noted a Harris County criminal district judge who contributes to the chronically over-crowded Harris County jail by requiring jail time for any defendant convicted of a drug offense, no matter how inconsequential.
Now, another Harris County criminal judge is being called on carpet for his rather odd manner of administering justice. This Chronicle article reports that Harris County Criminal Court at Law No. 3 Judge Donald Jackson ordered more than a dozen criminal defendants who were late to court earlier this week to enter a guilty plea or spend the night in jail:
Jackson, who presides over County Criminal Court No. 3, ordered 16 people accused of misdemeanor crimes to sit in the jury box, told them that they were in custody and that their bonds were being revoked and raised, according to several Houston attorneys.
Jackson also told the defendants they would have to stay in jail overnight unless they agreed to plea bargain ó essentially to enter guilty pleas, the attorneys said. [. . .]
Houston attorney Kyle Vance, whose client was about 20 minutes late to court, said the man was “trying to get out of jail” Wednesday afternoon.
Vance said his client is facing a first-time charge of driving while intoxicated and had posted a $500 bond. Jackson raised his client’s bail to $2,500, Vance said.
“I was out of the courtroom for just a minute, and I asked the clerk, ‘Is their bond being revoked?’ And she said, ‘Both. It has been revoked and raised, unless you plea bargain.’ ”
Right after that, Vance said, another defendant entered a plea bargain. “And the judge said the revocation has been withdrawn since he pled.”
To make matters worse, the Harris County Criminal Justice building is a tough slog most mornings, with long lines at the x-ray machines slowing down traffic. The ACLU and the Harris County Criminal Defense Lawyers Association are looking into Judge Jackson’s behavior. Sounds as if it’s about time that the State Board of Judicial Conduct and Harris County voters did, too.
Those pesky dealbreakers
In this TCS Daily op-ed, Professor Bainbridge weighs in on a problem that businesspeople invariably complain about in connection with the handling of contractual matters relating to their business — those damn dealbreakin’ transactional lawyers:
In his book, The Terrible Truth About Lawyers, Mark H. McCormack, founder of the International Management Group, a major sports and entertainment agency, wrote that “it’s the lawyers who: (1) gum up the works; (2) get people mad at each other; (3) make business procedures more expensive than they need to be; and now and then deep-six what had seemed like a perfectly workable arrangement. Accordingly, I would say that the best way to deal with lawyers is not to deal with them at all.”
Pretty depressing stuff, especially if you hope to make a living as a transactional lawyer.
Bainbridge sums up by providing wise advice not only to transactional lawyers, but to any lawyer attempting to make a living resolving business issues:
All of which is why both legal education and the apprenticeship served by young associates must emphasize not only legal doctrine but also economics and business. It may still be possible for someone lacking any knowledge of finance and economics to be a successful mergers and acquisitions lawyer, but I doubt it. As Mark McCormack observed, “when lawyers try to horn in on the business aspects of a deal, the practical result is usually confusion and wasted time.” Transactional lawyers therefore must understand the business, financial, and economic aspects of deals so as to draft workable contracts and disclosure documents, conduct due diligence, or counsel clients on issues that require business savvy as well as knowing the law.
More on Perverted Justice
Awhile back, this post noted the sad case of Louis Conradt, Jr, the Terrell, Texas prosecutor who killed himself late last year as the police were knocking on his door to arrest him. Conradt’s arrest was a part of a sting operation set up by Perverted Justice, the group that NBC Dateline has adopted as a highly profitable vehicle for generating mass anxiety about child sexual offenders. A Dateline NBC camera crew was outside Conradt’s house when he killed himself.
As this recent Allen Salkin/NY Times article notes, this arrangement has been mutually profitable for Perverted Justice and NBC. Perverted Justice receives $70,000 for every hour of Dateline content, while Dateline uses the 9 million or so viewers per pedophile episode to generate more ad revenue (Dateline nets only 7 million viewers for non-Pedo Dateline episodes). Inasmuch as business is good, Dateline already has six more Pedo-Dateline episodes in the pipeline for 2007.
In this insightful post, Dan Filler over at Concurring Opinions wonders about the efficacy of the Dateline-Perverted Justice venture and where it is leading us:
I leave to the Times article, and the various policy advocates, a discussion of the utility of this joint project. Will it reduce internet child abuse? Hard to know. Will it cause innocent people to suffer? Unclear. But it is time that we come to understand that the trade in fetishized fetishes is if nothing else weird and discomforting. And perhaps – just perhaps – it twists our own culture in exactly the direction we most abhor.
Westar Energy convictions are overturned
In this scathing 43-page decision, the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals set aside the convictions of former Westar Energy executives David Wittig and Douglas Lake on every count and ruled that most of the counts could not be retried. The convictions, which were based primarily on the executives’ alleged failure to report their use of corporate jets for personal travel, ìhung by a thin legal thread.î
Although largely overshadowed in the national media by the Lay-Skilling trial, Wittig and his corporate right hand man Lake were sentenced to 18 and 15 years in prison in April 2006 after being convicted of looting the utility of millions of dollars in unapproved compensation. An earlier contentious trial of the two former executives had ended in a mistrial in late 2004 after another federal jury in 2003 convicted Mr. Wittig of bank fraud charges in a case that was not directly related to Westar. Federal prosecutors had sought effective life sentences against the 50 year-old Wittig and the 55 year-old Lake.
Wittig and Lake left Westar late in 2002 amidst allegations of misuse of corporate funds. Subsequently, Westar under Mr. Wittig was implicated in the scandal surrounding efforts to fund Houston Congressman Tom DeLay’s political action committee. Westar’s contributions of funds during 2002 to DeLay’s PAC were among the allegations of wrongdoing that led to DeLay’s indictment in Travis County (Austin), Texas last year.
Wittig, who was a former star deal maker at Salomon Brothers, became Westar’s CEO in 1998 and immediately turned the sleepy Midwestern utility into a deal machine. Wittig was paid compensation of more than $25 million in his seven years with Westar, and had no reservations about showing it in the staid Westar home of Topeka. He bought the largest home in town, which is a 17,000-square-foot mansion that former Kansas governor and one-time presidential candidate Alf Landon built. Wittig then spent over $2 million in art and interior decoration on the pad while driving around Kansas in a $230,000 Ferrari 550 Maranello. After some early success, Mr. Wittig’s fast deal plan at Westar faltered and the company’s stock price fell from $44 to $9 as Westar came under increasing pressure from shareholders and investigators, including the Travis County grand jury.
The first trial of Wittig and Lake was particularly wild. U.S. District Judge Julie Robinson, who is a former prosecutor, battled constantly with Wittig’s defense attorneys — Adam Hoffinger and Edward Little — as the defense accused the judge of favoring the prosecution in her rulings. At several points during that trial, Judge Robinson angrily lectured the attorneys for their courtroom demeanor, which included rolling their eyes during witness testimony. Finally, a day before closing statements, the friction between the judge and the defense attorneys boiled over as Judge Robinson took the extraordinary measure of barring one of Mr. Lake’s lawyers from the courtroom for the remainder of the trial.
Judge Robinson’s judgment has also been questioned in regard to her sentencing of Wittig on the bank fraud charges. The judge originally sentenced Wittig to 51 months in prison in that case, but the 10th Circuit threw out that sentence. After she resentenced him to 60 months, the appellate court in November also threw out that sentence as far exceeding federal sentencing guidelines. Wittig is awaiting another sentencing in that case.
After this four-year ordeal of waste, is there really any question that responsibility for the alleged wrongdoing at Westar would have been more efficiently and justly allocated through civil rather than criminal proceedings?
The go-to duo for analysis of white collar criminal cases in the blawgosphere — Ellen Podgor and Peter Henning — analyze the 10th Circuit’s decision overturning the Wittig and Lake convictions here, here and here.
The unintended consequences of the anti-steroids crusade
As noted in this earlier post, I have long had reservations regarding the anti-steroids campaign that is promoted by various regulatory bodies and the media. As Peter Henning noted over the holiday season in this extensive post, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals recently issued an important decision in the Balco case in which the appellate court overturned three lower court orders that had declared government searches unconstitutional and directed the government to return the drug tests to the businesses that were searched. In United States v. Comprehensive Drug Testing, Inc., a divided Ninth Circuit panel reversed the lower court rulings and upheld the search warrants, including seizure of computer records, and ordered the lower courts to segregate records that fall outside the scope of the warrants so that they can be reviewed by a federal magistrate. The appellate decision also reversed the district judge’s order quashing the subpoena issued after the search, and went on to declare that the government may issue a subpoena for documents held by a third party even after a search for the same records.
In this lucid ReasonOnline op-ed, Jacob Sullum sums up why all of this is quite troubling:
The 9th Circuit’s loose treatment of “intermingled” data allows investigators to peruse the confidential electronic records of people who are not suspects, hoping to pull up something incriminating. It replaces a particularized warrant based on probable cause with a fishing license.
The mob believes that the athletes who use steroids are cheating criminals who should be punished. Let’s just hope that the laws that protect us from government’s overwhelming prosecutorial power aren’t trampled in the process of upholding the myth of fair play in professional sports.
More ripples from Kelo
The economic and legal impact of the Supreme Court’s controversial decision last year in Kelo v. New London has been a common topic on this blog, so this Institute for Justice press release on a property dispute that arose from a developer manipulating a local government’s eminent domain power for his own benefit:
A federal court has now approved an extortion scheme using eminent domain under last yearís Kelo decision. Unless the U.S. Supreme Court overturns the rulings, developers may threaten property owners, ìYour money or your land.î
Think this is an overstatement?
Consider what is happening right now in Port Chester, N.Y., to entrepreneur Bart Didden and his business partner, whose case will be considered for review by the U.S. Supreme Court on January 5, 2007.
With the blessing of officials from the Village of Port Chester, the Villageís chosen developer approached Didden and his partner with an offer they couldnít refuse. Because Didden planned to build a CVS on his propertyóland the developer coveted for a Walgreensóthe developer demanded $800,000 from Didden to make him ìgo awayî or ordered Didden to give him an unearned 50 percent stake in the CVS development. If Didden refused, the developer would have the Village of Port Chester condemn the land for his private use. Didden rejected the bold-faced extortion. The very next day the Village of Port Chester condemned Diddenís property through eminent domain so it could hand it over to the developer who made the threat.
The 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals upheld this extortion under last yearís Kelo eminent domain decision. The court ruled that because this is taking place in a ìredevelopment zoneî they couldnít stop what the Village is doing.
Read the entire piece. Is it any surprise that most property owners over on Richmond Avenue in Houston want no part of the new proposed Metro light rail line? Bad law makes for perverse incentives, particularly when the incentivized party can use the 800 pound gorilla of the state for private purposes.
The Brownback judicial litmus test fails
This previous post reported on the political posturing of Republican Senator Sam Brownback of Kansas, who was blocking a long-delayed judicial nomination by President Bush because the nominee had attended a commitment ceremony between a couple of gay friends. Well, Senator Brownback has finally backed off, but he still sounds demagogic even when he tries to do the right thing:
Senator Sam Brownback of Kansas, who blocked the confirmation of a woman to the federal bench because she attended a same-sex commitment ceremony for the daughter of her long-time neighbors, says he will now allow a vote on the nomination.
Mr. Brownback, a possible contender for the Republican presidential nomination in 2008, said in a recent interview that when the Senate returned in January, he would allow a vote on Janet Neff, a 61-year-old Michigan state judge, who was nominated to a Federal District Court seat.
Mr. Brownback, who has been criticized for blocking the nomination, said he would also no longer press a proposed solution he offered on Dec. 8 that garnered even more criticism: that he would remove his block if Judge Neff agreed to recuse herself from all cases involving same-sex unions.
In an interview last week, Mr. Brownback said that he still believed Judge Neffís behavior raised serious questions about her impartiality and that he was likely to vote against her. But he said he did not realize his proposal ó asking a nominee to agree in advance to remove herself from deciding a whole category of cases ó was so unusual as to be possibly unprecedented. Legal scholars said it raised constitutional questions of separation of powers for a senator to demand that a judge commit to behavior on the bench in exchange for a vote.
Senator Brownback “did not realize” that his proposal violated the separation of powers upon which the federal government is based?