A daunting jury verdict for deal lawyers

Collins Flying a bit under the radar this past weekend was the dreaded "we’re sure as hell not coming back on Monday" verdict that the jury returned on Friday afternoon in the Refco, Inc-related criminal case against Mayer Brown partner, Joseph P. Collins.

Collins was Refco’s outside corporate counsel for ten years or so before Refco disintegrated into bankruptcy in October, 2005. A New York city federal jury found Collins guilty on five of 14 criminal counts, including two counts of wire fraud, two counts of securities fraud and conspiracy, and a mistrial was declared on the other nine counts. Sentencing is scheduled for November 3rd. A previous post on the indictment is here and a copy of the original indictment against Collins is here and previous posts about the Refco case are here.

The jury verdict against Collins crosses the Rubicon in terms of the federal government’s willingness to prosecute an outside deal lawyer for merely advising a client in regard to structuring transactions that are not intrinsically illegal. As is typical of most business prosecutions over the past several years that criminalize questionable business judgment rather than clear white collar criminal acts such as embezzlement, the case against Collins was a jumble of conclusory allegations of fraud without any specific allegations of what Collins did that was criminal.

Heck, it was undisputed at trial that Collins barely worked on the transactions on which the prosecutors based their case against him. Essentially, the prosecution alleged that Collins assisted former Refco CEO and controlling shareholder Phillip Bennett in using Refco’s credit to reduce indebtedness to Refco of an affiliate controlled by Bennett. That’s not a crime, but the government asserted that Collins committed a crime by aiding Bennett in misleading Refco auditors and investors by not telling them about the use of Refco’s credit to reduce the affiliate’s debt to Refco.

It didn’t help Colling that a couple of other former Refco officers who copped pleas testified for the prosecution, although Bennett was not one of them. And the fact that a couple of partners from Weil Gotshal — which replaced Mayer Brown as Refco’s corporate counsel after Thomas H. Lee Partners bought a majority stake in the firm a few months before Refco’s public offering — also testified against Collins. I’d bet that testimony didn’t help relations between the two firms.

What’s curious about all of this is that numerous lawyers, accountants and investment bankers scrutinized and presumably profited from Refco over the past several years in connection with various investments in the firm, including its well-publicized public offering that valued the company at $4 billion five months before it disintegrated into bankruptcy. Not only did those professionals fail to uncover the alleged fraud, but none of them other than Collins was targeted as a criminal. See why these matters are better suited for civil cases in which responsibility for wrongdoing can be allocated among all the responsible parties?

Moreover, as this earlier post notes, if Collins knew about a massive fraud at Refco, then why on earth did he allow the company to be bought by Thomas H. Lee Partners and then go public where discovery of the fraud would likely lead to far more draconian consequences than if Refco had remained private?

Collins testified in his own defense and rightfully contended that it was never the job of Collins — or generally any outside corporate counsel, for that matter — to monitor the company’s transactions, which would be an impossible task for outside counsel. Collins went on to testify that was never informed of the hidden debt and that Refco’s top executives lied to him from the beginning.

At any rate, at the end of the trial, the prosecution contended that none of the specifics really meant much. Collins and Mayer Brown made millions off of Refco, which ultimately tanked. Thus, Collins must have done something wrong, right? Even this apparently divided jury agreed with that twisted logic.

Here’s hoping that the trial judge will set aside the verdict against Collins, but that’s probably wishful thinking in these anti-business times. The problem with this emerging governmental policy of prosecuting transactional lawyers is similar to the policy of criminalizing agency costs against corporate officers. There is a big difference between prosecuting agency costs and prosecuting clear-cut crimes, such as embezzlement. The difference relates primarily to the nature of the evidence involved, the relevance of contracts, and the subtleties of dividing responsibility between corporate actors.

Larry Ribstein has put it this way. Suppose somebody mugs you on the street. There is no question that is a crime. However, what if they ask you first if they can borrow your wallet, you loan it to them, and then they don’t give it back in time? What if they ask your employee who’s running the store for you whether they can borrow some money, the employee loans it to them and then they don’t pay it back? What if the "thief" is another employee who says the manager gave him the money as bonus compensation?

Who is liable in these situations turns on the contracts and the legal relationships among the various parties. Proof depends on who said what to whom. Can we rely on what the witnesses say about this? What if the prosecutor tells the guy who’s minding the store that he’ll not face a prosecution for conspiracy if he spills the beans on the employee?

In the meantime, the Collins verdict sends an ominous message to transactional lawyers everywhere. Rest assured that American business — and ultimately all of us — will endure the additional costs that deal lawyers will charge to endure the risk that the government will prosecute them for a crime that they do not know about.

Marc Dreier’s letter to his sentencing judge

dreier It will take awhile before you will read a more interesting — and really quite extraordinary — letter from a defendant to a sentencing judge than the one below that disgraced New York lawyer Marc Dreier wrote.

It’s hard to imagine, much less understand, the personal hell that Dreier created for himself. Dreier’s letter provides a glimpse of how it happened.

The webs we weave.

Marc Dreier Letter to Judge

The Defense of Freedom

There is no question that President Obama is confronted with a delicate diplomatic situation in regard to the ongoing political unrest in Iran. But it is ironic that the main issue that is bubbling over on the streets of Tehran is the same one that John Quincy Adams addressed in the U.S. Supreme Court in the case of the illegally imported slaves that is wonderfully portrayed in the Stephen Spielberg movie, Amistad. In a magnificent performance, Anthony Hopkins plays the elderly Adams defending the slaves before the Supreme Court. Enjoy.

Final Argument

The late Paul Newman in The Verdict playing a talented but alcoholic lawyer who gets a final opportunity to redeem a disappointing career in a difficult medical malpractice case. Enjoy.

Not a good week for freedom

big government First, in the face of a duplicitous government prosecution and a draconian trial penalty, Kevin Howard was forced to plead guilty to a crime that he did not commit.

Then, the executive branch of the federal government, unchecked by feckless legislative and judicial branches, undermined the U.S. Bankruptcy Code by preferring certain Chrysler creditors over others while improperly using the TARP legislation (see also here) — which was expressly limited to financial institutions — as a basis to loan billions to Chrysler. Moreover, the government’s shots in regard to such matters are being called by a rank rookie.

Finally, the federal government seized $34 million of American citizens’ funds without notice or judicial process simply because those citizens enjoy playing poker.

One of the clearest lessons of the 20th century is that large governments have the capacity to cause unspeakable evil. As these injustices unfold with nary a protest from our leaders, is that important lesson already forgotten?

A continuing civic shame

Harris_County_Jail_ My first blog post on the chronically shameful condition of the Harris County Jail was four years ago. There have been quite a few others since then.

Still, nothing has changed.

Despite my libertarian leanings, it’s way past time for the federal government to intervene and correct the inhumane conditions of the Harris County Jail.

The Harris County Commissioners have proven themselves to be incapable of administering the jail properly, reflected by County Judge Ed Emmett’s most recent suspension of belief over the scathing report: “Actually, if you read the report, it is fairly positive. It has some episodic events but it does not show a pattern of problems.î Moreover, many years of over-sentencing by local criminal district judges hasn’t helped the situation, either. On a day in which most of the civilized world is decrying North Korea’s imprisonment of two American reporters in one of that country’s horrific labor camps, it’s worth reminding ourselves that we do not have to travel any further than our local jail to witness barbaric prison conditions.

Houston possesses many things of which to be proud. Sadly, the Harris County Jail is not one of them.

Update: Scott Henson agrees with me.

Update II: Chris Bradford recounts his experience on the in capability of Harris County administrators to operate the jail humanely.

Kevin Howard and the Thin Line of Business Criminality

In this earlier post regarding former Enron Broadband CFO Kevin Howard’s recent plea deal, I predicted that the factual basis for the plea deal would barely describe wrongdoing, much less criminality.

Turns out I was right. Paragraph 14 of the plea agreement at the bottom of page 6 sets forth the factual basis of the deal.

That paragraph describes that Enron had told the market that its Broadband unit had great potential, but that it expected to lose at least $60 million for the year. Inasmuch as Enron’s prediction was turning out to be correct, Howard helped arrange a joint venture transaction that monetized a portion of Broadband’s lucrative deal with Blockbuster. Nothing unusual about that.

So, what’s the problem, you ask?

Essentially, the factual basis provides that Howard did not disclose to Enron’s auditor (Arthur Andersen) that Enron’s joint venture partner was not expecting to be a long-term partner in the joint venture, even though the partner verified by signing the joint venture agreement that it was not relying on any such expectation in connection with entering into the venture.

Nevertheless, the factual statement suggest that if Andersen had known that the partner was really not expecting to be in the venture for the long haul despite the terms of the written agreement, then the auditor may not have allowed Enron to account for the deal in a way that reduced the Broadband unit’s losses to the $60 million level that the company had projected and ultimately reported.

That’s the basis for a crime?

Frankly, U.S. District Judge Vanessa Gilmore should have the same reaction to Howard’s proposed plea deal that U.S. District Judge Lynn Hughes had to the equally vacuous deal that Enron Task Force prosecutors crammed down the throat of former Enron mid-level executive Chris Calger back in 2005. At least the DOJ ultimately threw in the towel on the stinky Calger plea deal.

Based on the foregoing, any business executive who engages in a transaction for the purpose of helping his company achieve earning projections is at risk of being indicted and convicted of a crime, and sentenced to a long prison sentence.

And by a long prison sentence, I don’t mean the 4-12 months of home confinement to which Howard agreed in his deal.

Remember, the foregoing transaction is one for which Jeff Skilling is currently serving 24 years in prison.

A truly civil society would find a better way.

SCOTUS takes up the honest services issue

ConradBlack Well now, that certainly did not take long, now did it?

Just a week after former Enron CEO Jeff Skilling appealed his criminal conviction and monstrous 24-year prison sentence to the U.S. Supreme Court on an allegedly erroneous application of the honest services wire-fraud statute (18 U.S.C. § 1346), the Supreme Court agreed to hear the appeal of former Hollinger International chairman Conrad Black on similar grounds. The briefs in support and opposition to Black’s petition for certiorari to the Supreme Court can be reviewed here.

Black’s conviction revolves around allegations that he diverted about $6 million from Hollinger International, which owned the Sun-Times and a number of other newspapers. He and two other former executives whose appeals will also be heard by the Supreme Court — former Hollinger CFO John Boultbee and corporate counsel Mark Kipnis — were convicted of three counts of mail fraud based on the theory that they improperly arranged the transfer of $5.5 million from a Hollinger subsidiary under sham non-compete agreements.

The high court’s decision to hear Black’s appeal on the honest services wire fraud issue leaves the Skilling petition somewhat in limbo. Although Skilling’s appeal arguably frames the issue better than Black’s, the Court could simply carry Skilling’s petition along with Black’s appeal and then remand Skilling’s case to the Fifth Circuit once it has adjudicated Black’s appeal.

But regardless whether the Supreme Court grants cert in Skilling’s appeal, the Court’s decision to hear Black’s appeal is very good news for Skilling.

By the way, as if on cue, Lord Black from his prison cell provides this entertaining evisceration of the forces that prevented him from selling for the benefit of shareholders the now bankrupt and worthless Chicago Sun-Times. Here’s a taste of Lord Black’s analysis of the situation:

[Former Bush I administration SEC chairman Richard] Breeden, whose career highlights include whitewashing George W. Bush on his lucrative insider trade in Harken Energy shares before the Gulf War in 1991, while he was Bush Sr.’s SEC chairman, and his immensely well-paid stints as special monitor or counsel of KPMG, WorldCom, and Fannie Mae, produced his special committee report in August 2005. (He has since, with no background at all, set up an offshore hedge fund and has promptly lost more than half his investors’ money.)

The report had cost over $100 million, accused us of a $500 million kleptocracy, and promised a future of unheard-of profitability for the company. On this, Breeden has delivered, as no profit has been heard of since he usurped the management. He also promised $1 billion of recoveries for the shareholders, and has instead wiped them out; $2 billion from the pockets and retirement and college funds of scores of thousands of people.

His report did fulfill his objective of generating criminal charges that, if substantially successful, could vacate or at least mitigate my $1 billion libel suits against him, the largest defamation claims in Canadian history.

Lord Black is a genuine piece of work.

Thinking about the Chrysler deal

chrysler_logo Unworkable credit situation, UAW ownership and Italian engineering. What could possibly go wrong?

The blogosphere has really stepped up in analyzing the government-pushed and government-subsidized asset sale by Chrysler out of its only recently-filed chapter 11 case (handy site on the chapter 11 case is here). The best technical bankruptcy analysis has been provided by Steve Jakubowski, while Larry Ribstein, Professor Bainbridge, Mark Roe and the Epicurean Dealmaker have weighed in ably on the policy considerations of the deal. But Todd Zywicki in this W$J op-ed does the best job of summing up the long-range risk of what the Obama Administration is doing here:

By stepping over the bright line between the rule of law and the arbitrary behavior of men, President Obama may have created a thousand new failing businesses. That is, businesses that might have received financing before but that now will not, since lenders face the potential of future government confiscation. In other words, Mr. Obama may have helped save the jobs of thousands of union workers whose dues, in part, engineered his election. But what about the untold number of job losses in the future caused by trampling the sanctity of contracts today?

Chrysler’s proposed asset sale is unusual, but not unprecedented. Still, the legality of what is going on here is certainly sketchy. And what is unprecedented about this case is the participation of the government in financing the deal and the new Chrysler. Theoretically, another bidder could emerge and top the new Chrysler’s bid for the assets. However, such a competing bid simply could not be financed under current market conditions absent a subsidy from another government.

So, what to make of all this? Here’s what I will be watching.

Will the government market in Chrysler debt? If so, how will the market price it?

Or will the government simply hold the Chrysler debt as the company attempts to re-invent itself, turning the debt into a type of quasi-equity?

And will a company owned predominantly by a union and the government be able to attract the type of creative management and engineering talent that will be necessary to create wealth for the owners?

Frankly, the government bailout is the easy part. Creating wealth is a whole lot tougher.

The State of the Skilling case

The attorneys for former Enron CEO Jeff Skilling filed a petition for a writ of certiorari with the U.S. Supreme Court yesterday, which is quite interesting and is being widely reported in the mainstream media.

However, as interesting as a Supreme Court appeal is, that is not the most interesting aspect of the Skilling case right now.

But first the petition.

As usual, Skilling’s legal team at O’Melveny & Myers did an outstanding job in lucidly presenting why the Supreme Court should consider Skilling’s appeal.

In short, Skilling’s petition contends that the Fifth Circuit Court of Appeal’s decision in Skilling’s appeal made a mess of two key issues:

(i) application of the honest services wire fraud statute (18 U.S.C. § 1346) to Skilling’s actions, and

(ii) application of the standard for deciding the proper venue for Skilling’s trial in the face of a presumption of community prejudice against Skilling.

As noted previously, the Fifth Circuit panel’s decision in Skilling’s appeal failed to reconcile its reasoning in upholding Skilling’s conviction for honest services wire-fraud under 18 U.S.C. § 1346 with earlier Fifth Circuit panel decisions on the same issue in the Nigerian Barge and Kevin Howard cases.

Inasmuch as there is now a clear split between Fifth Circuit decisions and other circuit appellate courts on the scope of honest services wire-fraud, the issue appears ripe for Supreme Court consideration. Indeed, Skilling’s petition notes Supreme Court Justice Scalia’s recent observation about the need for the high court to take up the issue:

“Without some coherent limiting principle to define what ‘the intangible right of honest services’ is, whence it derives, and how it is violated, this expansive phrase invites abuse by headline grabbing prosecutors in pursuit of local officials, state legislators, and corporate CEOs who engage in any manner of unappealing or ethically questionable conduct.” Sorich v. U.S., 129 S.Ct. 1308, 1310 (2009). [.  .  .]

There is a “serious argument” that, as Justice Scalia put it, “a freestanding, open-ended duty to provide ‘honest services’—with the details to be worked out case-by-case”—amounts to “nothing more than an invitation for federal courts to develop a common-law crime of unethical conduct.” Sorich, 129 S.Ct. at 1310. And because the notion that courts can “discover[]” whether conduct is criminal using common-law reasoning is “utterly anathema,” [cite deleted] there is an equally serious argument that § 1346 is unconstitutionally vague. [cite deleted].It should not be the task of federal courts to save a facially vague and unenforceable statute from itself. Only Congress can properly demarcate the boundaries of honest-services fraud. . .

Yeah, we know all about those “headline grabbing prosecutors,” don’t we?

The venue issue is even simpler. Skilling argues that the Fifth Circuit improperly allowed U.S. District Judge Sim Lake to rebut a presumption of community prejudice against Skilling through a superficial examination of individual jurors even though the Fifth Circuit concluded that Judge Lake had improperly failed to apply the presumption of community prejudice against Skilling. The Fifth Circuit’s ruling is at odds with several other circuit courts decisions that maintain that such a presumption simply cannot be rebutted, so that conflict between the circuits tees up another Supreme Court issue.

Frankly, given the extensive evidence of both pervasive media bias and prospective juror bias against Skilling, if the Supreme Court allows the Fifth Circuit’s decision to stand on the venue issue, then a denial of a motion to change the venue of a trial within the Fifth Circuit will no longer be grounds for an appeal.

But now for the more interesting developments in Skilling’s case.

Flying almost completely under the radar screen is the fact that the Fifth Circuit decision remanded a portion of Skilling’s case for two reasons.

First, the Fifth Circuit ordered Judge Lake to re-sentence Skilling because of an error that was made in applying a sentencing enhancement in assessing Skilling’s 24-year sentence.

Moreover, the Fifth Circuit decision invited Skilling to file a motion for new trial based on issues of prosecutorial misconduct. Specifically, the Fifth Circuit was particularly concerned about the failure of the Enron Task Force to comply with federal rules requiring the disclosure of exculpatory evidence to the defense from the Task Force’s pre-trial interviews with main Skilling accuser, former Enron CFO Andrew Fastow.

Fastow testified at trial that he told Skilling about the Global Galactic agreement, which purportedly documented a series of illegal “side deals” between Fastow and former Enron chief accountant Richard Causey that guaranteed Fastow would not lose money on certain special purpose entities that he was managing. Skilling denied any knowledge of the purported agreement.

After Skilling’s conviction, the Skilling defense team discovered Fastow interview notes that the Enron Task Force had failed to disclose to the Skilling team prior to trial. Among other things, those notes revealed that Fastow had told the Task Force lawyers that he didn’t think he had told Skilling about the Global Galactic agreement. The Fifth Circuit characterized the Task Force’s non-disclosure as “troubling” in inviting Skilling to file a motion for new trial with the District Court.

So, where does the Fifth Circuit’s remand of the Skilling appeal stand in the District Court?

Well, a review of the District Court docket of Skilling’s criminal case reveals that Judge Lake originally scheduled Skilling’s resentencing for July 30th.

However, in a highly unusual move, Skilling and the prosecution filed a joint motion requesting Judge Lake to put off the re-sentencing indefinitely pending the filing of Skilling’s motion for a new trial, the prosecution’s response to that motion, and the Court’s disposition of the motion. Moreover, the parties requested that the deadline for Skilling’s motion be pushed back to July 10th, which Judge Lake approved.

So, what is going on here?

Could it be that Skilling’s team has discovered even more exculpatory evidence that the Task Force failed to disclose to the Skilling defense prior to the trial?

Could it be that the government’s current lawyers — who were not members of the now disbanded Task Force and who have little incentive to cover for their predecessors — are now finding themselves dealing with a serious failure of the Task Force members to comply with rules requiring the disclosure of exculpatory evidence to the defense in Skilling’s case?

Could the Skilling case be turning into something similar to this?

Stay tuned.