Houston’s hot real estate market

neighborhood_map5.gifWhile many U.S. real estate markets are cooling off, this Wall Street Journal ($) article reports that the Houston real estate market continues to march forward:

This sprawling city missed the real-estate boom that sent home prices soaring on the East and West coasts. Now, with much of the nation’s housing market in retreat, it has yet to feel even a tremor.
In September, local sales of single-family homes and condominiums were up 17.7% from a year earlier, logging their 32nd straight month of increase, according to the Houston Association of Realtors. The median price of an existing single-family home: $143,400, up 3%.
By contrast, nationwide sales of residential real estate fell 14.2% in September, according to the National Association of Realtors. Home prices nationally were down 2.2%, retreating in such former hot spots such as Washington, Boston and San Francisco. The national median sales price for September for existing single-family homes was $219,800, according to the Houston Association of Realtors.

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Markets are the darndest things

MudPig.JPGOver the past two decades, feral hogs have been a hugely destructive force in rural Texas as they relentlessly tear up productive farm and ranch land. Moreover, with few predators, the hogs have multiplied exponentionally to the point where they are now commonly seen in suburban areas around Texas’ large cities. So, what’s the solution to controlling these feisty beasts?
According to this NY Times article, it’s markets — namely demand for feral hog meat in restaurants — that offers the most promising solution yet:

[Feral hog meat] has also become lucrative as Europeans and an increasing number of Americans clamor for wild boar. Mr. Richardson [a hunter of hogs] said he made $28,000 last year selling live feral hogs.
ìI think itís a great health-conscious niche market,î said Dick Koehler, one of Mr. Richardsonís customers and the vice president of Frontier Meats, based in Fort Worth. ìIt has real potential for growth.î
Mr. Koehler said that about 60 percent of the processed hog meat from his plant ended up on the tables of fancy restaurants in Europe, but that its popularity was growing in the United States. Each year, his company ships more and more hog meat to American restaurants and specialty supermarkets to feed the demands for organic food, Mr. Koehler said.

A certain nephew of mine is going to be very interested in this news.

The Godfather of Microcredit

muhammad_yunus.jpgDon’t miss this Connie Bruck/New Yorker article on Muhammad Yunus, the Bangladesh banker and economist who was awarded this year’s Nobel Peace Prize for his development of microcredit, which is simply the extension of small loans to entrepreneurs too poor to qualify for traditional bank loans (a recent WSJ ($) op-ed by Yunus is here). Interestingly, an unexpected force is competing with microcredit:

[Microcredit promoters] say that the biggest obstacle to commercialization of the sector is philanthropic capital. They say that it distorts the marketónot only by filling channels that might otherwise draw commercial investors but also by keeping unsustainable programs alive.

On the other hand, philanthropy is also a key source of capital for microcredit:

The idea of reaching billions of the poor by achieving ìscaleîóa word invoked ceaselessly in the microfinance communityóhas enticed foundations, rich individuals, even investors into channelling millions into microfinance. The $1.2-billion Michael and Susan Dell Foundationóestablished by the founder of one of the worldís largest computer manufacturersóhas begun making grants to microfinance institutions in India, a country of 1.1 billion people, most of whom have no access to financial services. In October, 2005, Google established a philanthropic entity called Google.org, with seed money of about a billion dollars, to fight disease, global warming, and poverty; microfinance is expected to be a key component of its poverty portfolio. And last April the Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation announced that it would devote an undisclosed amount of money to expanding financial services for the poor in developing countries. Dr. Rajiv Shah, who oversees the new Gates program, said of microfinance, ìThis can reach hundreds of millions of people, and do so in a way that helps them move out of poverty and that sustains over time.î

Hat tip to Tyler Cowen for the link to the New Yorker article.

Steven D. Levitt on gangs and crack cocaine

levitt.jpgIn this clever and lively lecture, University of Chicago Economics Professor Steven D. Levitt of Freakonomics (Morrow 2005) fame explores his research into the economics of gang members selling crack cocaine. Levitt’s description of the way in which some gang members added the correct answer to the initial multiple choice question that the field researcher posed to them is priceless.
Hat tip to Greg Mankiw for the link to Levitt’s lecture.

Milton Friedman on limited government

milton-friedman-3.jpgRussell Roberts over at Cafe Hayek points us to a remarkable Open Mind video from over 30 years ago of Milton Friedman discussing principles of economics and limited government. The entire video is about a half hour, but if you watch nothing else, take a moment to marvel at Professor Friedman brilliantly responding to an inflammatory opening question that suggests he lacks compassion for his fellow man. Professor Friedman calmly refuses to take the bait and turns the issue around to question the motives of those who advocate the cure-all of government intervention:

INTERVIEWER: Professor Friedman, I wonder if I might begin the program by saying that you’re a kind gentleman, yet you’re identified by many with those who seem — to those who make that identification to want us not to do kind and gentle things — perhaps not provide for the poor, perhaps not provide for the aged — and I wonder how you’d reconcile these phenomena and whether you feel it’s fair to characterize you as a conservative economist.
FRIEDMAN: Well, let me start at the end of that first. I never characterize myself as a conservative economist. As I understand the English language, conservative means conserving, keeping things as they are. I don’t want to keep things as they are. The true conservatives today are the people who are in favor of ever bigger government. The people who call themselves liberals today — the New Dealers — they are the true conservatives, because they want to keep going on the same path we’re going on. I would like to dismantle that. I call myself a liberal in the true sense of liberal, in the sense in which it means (inaudible) and pertaining to freedom.
Now, that brings me to your second point. One of the great mistakes is to judge policies and programs by their intentions rather than their results. We all know a famous road that is paved with good intentions. The people who go around talking about their soft heart — I share their — I admire them for the softness of their heart, but unfortunately, it very often extends to their head as well, because the fact is that the programs that are labeled as being for the poor, for the needy, almost always have effects exactly the opposite of those which their well-intentioned sponsors intend them to have.

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Costly assumptions

Metrorail car-Houston2.jpgTory Gattis over at Houston Strategies continues to do a great job of analyzing Houston Metro’s proposed Richmond (or is that Westpark?) rail line (see here and here). However, I continue to be amazed by the Houston mainstream media’s myopia in failing to take a look at the rail experience of Los Angeles, an area that shares many characteristics with the Houston metro area, but is much more densely-populated, which is normally a requirement for making an urban rail line successful.
That myopia is leading to a dangerous dynamic in the rail transit debate that USC urban economics professor Peter Gordon notes in commenting on this LA Times story regarding extension of the LA region’s rail system. Professor Gordon observes that, despite irrefutable evidence that the LA rail system has been a boondoggle of massive proportions, the LA Times article does not even bother to address the threshold issue of whether more money should be dumped into the black hole rail transit system in the first place. Rather, the article assumes that the money will be spent and then simply addresses the issue of where it will go. Professor Gordon notes the incongruity of it all:

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Taking stock in New Orleans

new_orleans.gifThe NY Times continues today with another installment in its excellent The Katrina Year series focusing on the status of the rebuilding of New Orleans. To the surprise of no one who has ever been involved in the interplay of business development nad government bureaucracy, the re-development of areas of the city that are most attractive for investment has actually gone reasonably well, while the areas in which government subsidies are necessary to induce private capital to invest have lagged. Also not surprising is the fact that local governmental entities still have not been able to put together a plan for providing basic governmental services for redevelopment. So it goes.
As noted in posts here and here last year in the immediate aftermath of Hurricane Katrina, one of the biggest problems confronting redevelopment of the New Orleans area was the storm’s destruction of small businesses, which on an aggregate basis was the largest provider of jobs in the New Orleans area. This NY Times article reports on the struggles that small businesses in New Orleans have confronted in attempting to stay afloat in the year after Katrina and how many of the pre-Katrina small businesses have little hope of coming back.
Update: In this Opinion Journal editorial, the Wall Street Journal editorial board eviscerates the federal government’s handling of the enormous amount of federal aid thrown at New Orleans in the year since Katrina.

A $43 million limousine service

Metrorail car-Houston.jpgAnne Linehan and Kevin Whited, and Tory Gattis continue to do a good job of covering Houston Metro Rail’s ever-present expansion plans, which seem to be impervious to whether the expansion is actually needed. Previous posts on the boondoggle of rail systems in cities such as Houston are here.
Although not as slick as a trendy Metro economic report analyzing the projected benefits of an expansion of the light rail system in Houston, this Bill Schadewald/Houston Business Journal ($) op-ed describes his rather compelling analysis of Metro Rail’s ridership on one portion of the existing rail line:

As Yogi Berra once observed, sometimes you can see a lot just by looking. Neighborhoods can change character in a just a year.
Today I’m revisiting the outer Texas Medical Center area with a stroll down Fannin past Reliant Stadium along the light rail line.
It’s half-past five on a Tuesday afternoon. The walk from South Braeswood to the end of the line is about a mile, give or take. . . .
A Metro train passes, whistle wailing. The trains regularly come and go in opposite directions every few minutes.
I’m focused on heart rate and rock, not paying much attention to the rhythm of the rails. Then I happen to look over. Staring back is a single solitary face on an entire train.
The cell phone says a quarter to six. Just one rider? During rush hour? It doesn’t make sense.

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L.A.’s urban boondoggles

boondoggle logo2.jpgHouston’s metropolitan area shares many characteristics with Southern California, so it’s always interesting to review assessments of Los Angeles’ urban boondoggles for guidance on how to avoid the same mistakes here.
In this L.A. Times op-ed, urban economics expert Joel Kotkin (previous posts here) explores the latest initiative to allow L.A.’s white elephant — the downtown convention center — to feed at the public trough. Despite the fact that the center has been a chronic money-pit despite a $500 million city expansion investment 17 years ago, the city is now proposing $300 million in loans, tax breaks and fee waivers for a $750-million, 54-story complex ó including a 876-room Marriott Marquis, a posh 124-room Ritz-Carlton and 216 luxury condos ó across from the Convention Center (sound familiar?). Despite the huge public outlay of public funds for the downtown convention center, Kotkin reports the following:

L.A. is still not on the list of the nation’s top 10 convention cities and has little prospect of competing successfully against Las Vegas, New York and Orlando, which have far more attractions. According to one trade publication, L.A. hosted fewer major conventions last year than Indianapolis and Rosemont, Ill. But there’s a bigger problem here.
The simple truth is that convention centers are rarely a good public investment. A definitive national study by the Brookings Institution, released last year, found that they frequently operate at a loss, including the recently expanded centers in Washington and St. Louis. In most cases, their much-ballyhooed effect on the local economy ó new private investment, more jobs and increased levels of tourism ó “has simply not occurred,” reported Heywood Sanders, the study’s author.

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The big problem with Mexico

mexican flag at port.jpgThe presidential election in Mexico garners more interest in Texas than many places because of the increasing problems that the state faces in regard to the influx of immigrants and violence on the border. Calderon’s apparent victory is almost certainly better economically for Mexico, and Opinion Journal’s Mary Anastasia O’Grady observes that the handling of the election is a hopeful sign for Mexico’s emerging multi-party political system. However, the Washington Post’s Robert Samuelson identifies in this column the problem that continues to vex Mexico’s economic development — inefficient big businesses that are protected by the government and vibrant small businesses that are threatened by it:

[Mexico’s] economy consists of two vast sectors, each slow to adopt better technology and business practices.
One sector involves large, modern firms in semi-protected markets that limit the pressure to improve efficiency or lower prices. “Mexico’s business sector is risk-averse. It’s never had to operate in a true competitive environment,” says Pamela Starr, an analyst for the Eurasia Group, a consulting firm. “It’s operated with monopolies and oligopolies encouraged by the government.”…
The other part of the economy is usually called the “informal sector.” It consists of thousands of small firms — street vendors, stores, repair shops, tiny manufacturers — that theoretically aren’t legal, because they haven’t registered with the government and often don’t pay taxes or comply with regulations on wages and hiring and firing. Almost two-thirds of Mexico’s workers may be employed in the informal sector, according to one rough estimate by the International Monetary Fund.
The sector’s size might suggest great entrepreneurial vitality. The trouble is that these firms are virtually compelled to remain small and inefficient. Because they’re technically illegal, they can’t easily get bank loans and can’t grow too large without being forced to pay taxes or comply with government regulations.

Read the entire column.